100%

When Does Nature Become Therapy?

Reconsidering Therapeutic Experience, Agency, Professional Guidance, and Commercialisation in Shinrin-Yoku, Forest Bathing and Forest Therapy

Milena A. Guziak, MChem, PhDEng, MScPsy
The Mindful Tourist | Shinrin-Yoku Association

Manuscript type: Conceptual research article and critical narrative review

Abstract

The term therapy is increasingly employed across practices concerned with human well-being, including music therapy, sound therapy, aromatherapy, nature therapy, forest therapy, and Shinrin-Yoku. However, its meaning varies considerably across clinical, scientific, cultural, professional, and commercial contexts. An experience may be perceived as therapeutic without constituting a formal therapeutic intervention, just as a service may be marketed as therapy without possessing an established clinical methodology or clearly demonstrated therapeutic efficacy.

This article critically examines the meaning and implications of therapy within forest-based practices. Drawing on research in environmental psychology, public health, forest medicine, sociology, nature connectedness, and therapeutic relationships, alongside Japanese historical developments and the author’s previous conceptual work, the discussion questions where therapeutic agency resides. Is it the forest environment, the guide, the participant, the social context, or the interactions among these elements that make an experience therapeutic?

The analysis distinguishes between therapeutic effects, therapeutic intentions, organised well-being interventions, and clinically delivered treatments. It further considers the evolution of Shinrin-Yoku into contemporary forest therapy terminology, the value and limitations of professional guidance, relational approaches to forest engagement, and the commercialisation of nature-based experiences.

Particular attention is given to the possibility that meaningful and restorative experiences can emerge through ordinary, unstructured contact with nature, without professional guidance or explicit therapeutic intention. The article proposes a relational and context-sensitive understanding of therapeutic experience, supported by principles of co-creation, co-responsibility, and co-being.

Rather than seeking a universal definition of forest therapy, the discussion advocates greater conceptual precision, professional transparency, methodological pluralism, and critical reflection. It concludes that the therapeutic potential of an experience cannot be adequately determined by its name, setting, or professional structure alone.

Keywords: Shinrin-Yoku; forest bathing; forest therapy; nature therapy; therapeutic experience; nature-based interventions; therapeutic agency; forest therapy guides; relational well-being; commercialisation; medicalisation; nature connectedness

Author’s Note, Scope, and Disclaimer

This article has emerged from six years of professional experience in the field of Shinrin-Yoku, forest therapy, nature-based engagement, and guide education, alongside continuing involvement in scientific inquiry, contemplative practice, meditation, and reflective writing. It draws upon interdisciplinary scientific literature, professional observations, educational work, personal experience, and philosophical questions that have developed throughout this period.

The article is intended as a critical, reflective, and interdisciplinary contribution to the ongoing discussion concerning the therapeutic potential of natural environments and the evolving professional identity of Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy. Its purpose is not to dismiss the benefits of guided experiences, question the legitimacy of professional guides, or challenge the value of responsible nature-based interventions. Rather, it seeks to examine the assumptions, terminology, scientific evidence, professional boundaries, and ethical responsibilities through which these practices are understood, organised, researched, and communicated.

The discussion is informed by my involvement in professional guiding and education, but it is not intended to establish one definitive interpretation of Shinrin-Yoku or forest therapy. Throughout the article, I deliberately examine the field from multiple perspectives, including those that may challenge established professional practices and assumptions, including my own.

Terminology: Shinrin-Yoku, Forest Bathing, and Forest Therapy

An important clarification concerns the terminology used throughout this article. At The Mindful Tourist and within the educational approach of the Shinrin-Yoku Association, the terms Shinrin-Yoku, forest bathing, and forest therapy are generally used interchangeably when referring to the broader practice of intentionally spending time in forest environments in ways that may support well-being, sensory engagement, reflection, and nature connectedness. Unless explicitly stated otherwise, when this article refers to Shinrin-Yoku, the discussion may also apply to what is commonly described as forest therapy. Similarly, when the term forest therapy is used, it should not automatically be interpreted as referring to a fundamentally different practice from Shinrin-Yoku or as implying the presence of a clinical intervention. This terminological approach reflects my interpretation of the historical development of these concepts, particularly within Japanese literature.

Shinrin-Yoku (森林浴), commonly translated into English as forest bathing, was introduced in Japan in 1982 as a concept encouraging people to immerse themselves in the forest atmosphere and experience the natural environment. As scientific interest in the health-related effects of forests developed, additional expressions emerged, including Shinrin Ryōhō (森林療法), commonly translated as forest therapy, and Shinrin Serapī (森林セラピー), a Japanese expression incorporating the English-derived word therapy. These developments did not necessarily represent the invention of entirely separate human–forest relationships. Rather, they reflected an evolving understanding of forest exposure, its potential health-related effects, the development of research programmes, and the institutional organisation of forest-based activities. Japanese scientific and institutional literature demonstrates substantial historical and conceptual continuity between Shinrin-Yoku and later approaches described as forest therapy. For example, the Japanese Forest Therapy Society explicitly presents forest therapy as a development informed by scientific investigation of forest bathing, with additional attention to evidence-based programmes and designated environments. At the same time, particular  researchers and institutions have developed distinctions among Shinrin-Yoku and Shinrin Serapī according to their objectives, professional structures, and institutional histories. These differences deserve recognition when discussing specific programmes or historical developments. The interpretation in this artcile is therefore not that all terms have always possessed identical meanings in every context. Rather, they belong to a closely related historical and conceptual field, and their overlapping practices should not automatically be divided into fundamentally separate therapeutic methods merely because different terminology is used. As Shinrin-Yoku expanded internationally, further distinctions emerged through translation, professional education, certification programmes, national associations, methodological preferences, and the commercial development of forest-based services. 

Structure and Intentional Repetition

The article is divided into 17 interconnected sections, each examining a different dimension of the central question: When does an experience in nature become therapeutic, and what changes when we begin to call it therapy? The sections address conceptual definitions, the historical evolution of Shinrin-Yoku, scientific evidence concerning forest exposure, the role of professional guidance, individual agency, social relationships, contemplative experience, therapeutic expectations, ethical responsibilities, commercialisation, ecological care, and directions for future research. Readers may encounter recurring questions, arguments, theoretical concepts, and scientific references throughout the manuscript. Some repetition is intentional and serves a specific analytical purpose.

Scientific Scope, Methodology, and Limitations

This article is a conceptual and critical narrative discussion. It is not a systematic review, meta-analysis, original experimental investigation, or clinical practice guideline. The research literature discussed has been selected for its relevance to the questions explored rather than through a comprehensive, preregistered systematic search procedure. The article should therefore not be interpreted as providing an exhaustive assessment of all available evidence concerning Shinrin-Yoku or forest therapy. Scientific findings are considered alongside theoretical interpretations, professional experience, historical analysis, and personal reflections. These forms of knowledge may contribute valuable perspectives, but they should not be regarded as interchangeable. Where empirical evidence is available, the discussion seeks to distinguish observed associations, experimentally investigated outcomes, proposed mechanisms, causal interpretations, and broader philosophical considerations. Where evidence remains limited or inconclusive, the questions are deliberately left open.

Professional Position and Disclosure of Interests

I am the founder of The Mindful Tourist and the Shinrin-Yoku Association, organisations involved in education, professional development, research-related initiatives, and the promotion of responsible Shinrin-Yoku practice. I have also contributed to the development of educational frameworks, guiding methods, and professional approaches discussed in this article. These roles create a direct professional and commercial interest in the subject matter. They also provide practical perspectives that have informed the questions explored throughout the manuscript. My professional involvement is disclosed so that readers can consider the discussion with appropriate awareness of my position within the field. The article is not intended to promote one organisation, certification system, training programme, or proprietary methodology as universally superior.

 Professional Identity, Competence, and Clinical Boundaries

The terms Shinrin-Yoku, forest bathing, and forest therapy are used throughout this article with recognition that their meanings and professional applications vary across countries, institutions, and regulatory contexts. Unless explicitly stated otherwise, professionally guided Shinrin-Yoku or forest therapy, as discussed within The Mindful Tourist’s approach, does not imply psychotherapy, medical diagnosis, clinical treatment, or the practice of a regulated healthcare profession. The presence of the word herapy should not automatically be interpreted as evidence that an activity constitutes clinical treatment. Similarly, the title forest therapy guide should not be assumed to confer authority to diagnose psychological or medical conditions or deliver interventions outside the practitioner’s professional competence. Professional certification should be understood in relation to the specific educational requirements, competencies, assessment procedures, and

Section 01 · Conceptual Overview

What Do We Mean When We Say Therapy?

An exploration of therapeutic experience, professional intervention, and the many ways human beings encounter well-being.

The central distinction

An experience can be therapeutic without necessarily being therapy.

Everyday activities such as walking in nature, writing, listening to music, gardening, or connecting with others may support well-being. Yet experiencing a benefit does not automatically make an activity a professionally delivered therapeutic intervention.

Everyday experience Formal therapy Potential benefit
01 / EXPERIENCE

Perceived Benefit

A person feels calmer, restored, connected, emotionally relieved, or finds personal meaning.

02 / MEASUREMENT

Observed Change

Research may identify changes in psychological, physiological, or behavioural indicators.

03 / CLASSIFICATION

Therapeutic Framework

An activity may be intentionally delivered within a defined professional or clinical framework, with particular standards and responsibilities.

Important: A personally restorative experience does not require demonstrated clinical efficacy to be meaningful. Likewise, measurable changes alone do not establish that an activity constitutes formal therapy.

The Self-Directed Forest Encounter

An individual visits the forest without a professional guide or prescribed sequence of activities.

  • Attention moves spontaneously.
  • Exploration follows personal interests.
  • Reflection emerges without external direction.
  • Personal memory and meaning shape the encounter.
  • The individual chooses how to engage.

Potential value: autonomy, contemplation, sensory engagement, restoration, and personally meaningful connection.

The distinction: Guidance can influence the character of an encounter without necessarily determining whether it becomes beneficial. Neither form is inherently superior.
♧
Environment Ecological conditions, sensory qualities, place
◉
Participant Perception, attention, history, personal meaning
◇
Facilitation When present: structure, preparation, invitations
◎
Social Context When present: relationships, shared experience, culture
Potential therapeutic experience may emerge through the interaction of these influences.

This is a conceptual framework, not a validated causal model. Contributions vary across individuals, settings, purposes, and circumstances.

Guided versus self-guided experiences — Kim & Shin (2021)

In a qualitative comparison involving 37 undergraduate students, both guided and self-guided forest experiences included sensory engagement. Self-guided reflections more frequently concerned introspection, while guided reflections more frequently described emotional changes and social interaction.

View research

Guided and unguided forest bathing — Zhang et al. (2026)

This pilot study compared guided forest bathing, unguided forest exposure, and urban outdoor activity. It found no statistically significant additional short-term emotional benefit of guided over unguided forest exposure. Its small scale and immediate follow-up limit wider conclusions.

View research

Nature-based interventions — Coventry et al. (2021)

A systematic review and meta-analysis reported promising mental health findings associated with nature-based outdoor interventions, while identifying substantial variation in intervention formats and methodological quality.

View research

Forest therapy outcomes — Qin et al. (2026)

A synthesis of 25 controlled studies involving 1,876 participants reported reductions in stress, depressive symptoms, and anxiety symptoms following forest therapy interventions. Heterogeneity and evidence-quality limitations mean the findings should be regarded as promising rather than definitive.

View research

PURPOSE

Clear Communication

Describe what an experience is intended to provide without automatically presenting it as medical treatment.

RESPONSIBILITY

Appropriate Safeguarding

Professional facilitation involves preparation, consideration of participant needs, safety, consent, and ethical conduct.

BOUNDARIES

Professional Competence

Training as a forest guide does not, by itself, confer authority to diagnose illness or provide psychotherapy.

A question to carry forward

When Does Nature Become Therapy?

“What happens when experiences that already belong to ordinary human life become organised, professionalised, measured, and marketed as therapy?”

What is gained through this transformation? What may be altered? And what might be lost?

The purpose is not to establish one universal definition, but to encourage conceptual clarity, scientific inquiry, and ethical reflection.

This educational summary accompanies Section 1 of the full article. It simplifies selected arguments and should be read alongside the original discussion and references. It does not constitute clinical advice.

1. Introduction: What Do We Mean When We Say Therapy?

The word therapy has become increasingly familiar in contemporary discussions of health, well-being, and everyday human experience. We frequently describe activities, relationships, and environments as therapeutic, often without considering what the term implies or how its meaning differs across scientific, professional, cultural, and personal contexts. A conversation with a close friend may feel therapeutic. Listening to music, dancing, cooking, gardening, writing in a journal, spending an afternoon beside the sea, or walking through a forest may leave us feeling calmer, more connected, emotionally relieved, or better able to understand our experiences. Sometimes, such changes arise from activities deliberately undertaken to improve well-being. At other times, they occur spontaneously, without any particular intention, professional intervention, or expectation of a beneficial outcome.

The capacity of ordinary human activities to support aspects of psychological and physical well-being has been investigated across several research disciplines. Pennebaker (1997), for example, examined expressive writing as a process through which individuals may experience psychological and physiological benefits when reflecting upon emotionally significant events. Research on social relationships has similarly demonstrated that interpersonal connection is associated with important health outcomes. In a meta-analysis involving 148 studies, Holt-Lunstad et al. (2010) identified a substantial association between stronger social relationships and increased likelihood of survival. These findings, although concerned with different phenomena, suggest that processes relevant to health and well-being are not necessarily confined to formal therapeutic settings. Human beings may encounter opportunities for emotional expression, psychological restoration, meaning-making, and interpersonal connection through ordinary activities and relationships.

Nevertheless, demonstrating that an activity can contribute to well-being does not automatically establish that it constitutes therapy. Writing privately about an emotional experience is not necessarily equivalent to engaging in psychotherapy. Listening to music for pleasure is not identical to participating in clinical music therapy. Similarly, spending time in a forest may be experienced as restorative without necessarily constituting a formally organised therapeutic intervention. The distinction is more than linguistic. Professional forms of therapy involve particular expectations concerning purpose, competence, responsibility, and, where applicable, clinical standards. For example, the American Music Therapy Association (n.d.) defines music therapy in relation to the clinical and evidence-based application of music interventions by appropriately trained professionals to achieve individualised goals within a therapeutic relationship. By contrast, an individual listening to music at home may experience emotional benefits without entering such a professional relationship.

The distinction between therapy and therapeutic therefore warrants careful examination. In ordinary language, an experience may be described as therapeutic because it feels beneficial, comforting, restorative, or personally meaningful. Within healthcare, however, therapy commonly refers to an intentionally applied intervention undertaken within a defined framework of professional practice. Between these understandings lies a considerable conceptual space occupied by complementary practices, organised wellness activities, preventive health interventions, self-directed practices, and experiences of everyday restoration. These categories may overlap, yet they should not be assumed to possess identical purposes, mechanisms, or evidentiary requirements.

An additional difficulty concerns the relationship between subjective experience and scientifically measurable outcomes. An individual may describe a forest walk as therapeutic because it provides a moment of solitude, a sense of freedom, or an opportunity to reflect upon a difficult situation. Such an experience may be personally significant even when no measurable physiological change is demonstrated. Conversely, a person may exhibit changes in physiological indicators associated with environmental exposure without consciously interpreting the experience as therapeutic. The individual’s perception of benefit, the presence of measurable changes, and the classification of an activity as therapy therefore represent related but analytically distinct dimensions. None can automatically substitute for the others.

The meaning attributed to an experience may also be influenced by the context in which it occurs. An activity described as recreation may generate different expectations from an apparently similar activity presented as therapy. When a familiar human experience is intentionally organised, professionally facilitated, and marketed under a therapeutic designation, its social and psychological context changes. Participants may begin to anticipate particular outcomes, interpret bodily sensations through a health-related framework, or approach the experience with the expectation that something beneficial should occur. A professional facilitator may assume responsibility for organising the process, explaining its purpose, and responding appropriately to participants’ needs. The experience thereby acquires an identity that extends beyond the activity itself.

This observation connects with sociological discussions of medicalisation. Conrad (2007) examined how experiences and conditions previously understood within ordinary social life can increasingly become interpreted through medical categories. Although the expansion of wellness practices should not automatically be equated with medicalisation, a related conceptual question emerges when familiar activities become reframed primarily through their potential health benefits. Gardening may become horticultural therapy, music listening may be presented as a therapeutic intervention, and spending time outdoors may be organised into a structured nature-based wellness programme. Such developments may create valuable opportunities for research, professional education, and healthcare. However, they may also encourage the assumption that ordinary experiences require particular methods, expert supervision, or therapeutic justification to become beneficial.

It is therefore important to ask what changes when an experience is given a therapeutic designation. Does professional organisation introduce an additional mechanism of benefit? Does it make an existing opportunity for well-being more accessible or more predictable? Does it create a different form of experience altogether? Or does the therapeutic label primarily influence how the activity is perceived, communicated, and valued? These possibilities are not mutually exclusive. Their relative importance may vary according to the activity, the participants, the professional framework, and the outcomes under consideration. Nevertheless, distinguishing them is essential if the term therapy is to retain conceptual clarity within contemporary wellness practices.

The relationship between place and therapeutic experience introduces another dimension. In health geography, Gesler (1992) developed the concept of therapeutic landscapes to investigate how particular environments become associated with healing and well-being through interactions among physical characteristics, cultural meanings, social relationships, and human experiences. From this perspective, a place cannot be understood exclusively through its physical properties. Its significance also emerges through personal memories, symbolic associations, cultural interpretations, and the circumstances under which it is encountered. A garden may represent familiarity and belonging to one person, while the same environment may evoke discomfort or grief in another. A forest may provide solitude and calm for some individuals while eliciting uncertainty, fear, or sensory discomfort for others.

This perspective is particularly relevant to Shinrin-Yoku, forest bathing, and forest therapy, where the natural environment is frequently described as the central therapeutic element. Forests contain physical and ecological characteristics that may influence human experience, including vegetation, sounds, light, temperature, air quality, and opportunities for movement and sensory exploration. Environmental psychology has investigated several pathways through which contact with natural environments may contribute to health and well-being. Kaplan (1995), for example, developed an influential framework concerning the restorative potential of environments that support recovery from directed-attention fatigue. Hartig et al. (2014) subsequently examined the relationship between nature and health through pathways involving physical activity, air quality, social cohesion, and stress reduction. These perspectives illustrate that the potential benefits of natural environments may arise through multiple interacting processes rather than through one universally established therapeutic mechanism.

The growing evidence concerning nature-based activities further supports the importance of investigating these relationships. Coventry et al. (2021), in a systematic review and meta-analysis of nature-based outdoor interventions, identified promising findings concerning mental health outcomes while also highlighting variation in intervention formats and methodological quality. More specifically, Qin et al. (2026) synthesised findings from 25 controlled studies involving 1,876 participants and reported reductions in psychological stress, depressive symptoms, and anxiety symptoms following forest therapy interventions. However, substantial heterogeneity across the studies, together with limitations in evidence quality, led the authors to characterise the findings as promising rather than definitive.

Such research contributes to our understanding of the potential health-related value of forest exposure and organised forest-based interventions. Yet it does not resolve a more fundamental conceptual question: when an individual experiences psychological or physiological benefits in a forest, what precisely makes that experience therapeutic?

Consider two individuals entering the same forest under similar environmental conditions. The first participates in a professionally guided forest therapy session. The guide has prepared a route, assessed potential risks, considered participants’ needs, and designed a sequence of invitations intended to support sensory awareness, reflection, and meaningful contact with the surroundings. The participant may be invited to slow down, attend to particular sounds or visual details, notice bodily sensations, engage in contemplative activities, or share aspects of the experience with others. The encounter is intentional, structured, and facilitated within an identifiable professional framework.

The second individual enters the forest independently. There is no guide, organised session, prescribed sequence of activities, or expectation that the encounter should produce a particular psychological outcome. The person may walk, sit beneath a tree, observe the surrounding vegetation, listen to the wind, become absorbed in personal thoughts, or simply enjoy being outdoors. Their attention may move spontaneously between the environment, bodily sensations, memories, and reflections. The experience is unstructured, but this does not mean that it lacks depth, intention, personal significance, or the potential to influence well-being.

Both individuals are exposed to elements of the same forest environment. Their sensory and physiological systems respond to surrounding conditions regardless of whether these responses have been intentionally organised. Yet their psychological and emotional experiences may develop differently because of variations in attention, expectations, activities, personal history, social context, and the degree of external guidance. The presence of a professional facilitator may shape these processes, but it cannot be assumed to initiate every beneficial response or determine the meaning that the experience acquires.

Empirical research comparing guided and unguided forest experiences offers an important starting point for examining this distinction. Kim and Shin (2021) investigated self-guided and guided forest therapy experiences among 37 undergraduate students, analysing participants’ written reflections. Both conditions included descriptions of sensory engagement with the forest, while differences emerged in the themes reported. Self-guided participants more frequently described introspective experiences, whereas guided participants more frequently referred to emotional changes and social interaction. These findings suggest that guidance may influence the character of forest engagement rather than simply determining whether an encounter becomes beneficial.

A more recent pilot study by Zhang et al. (2026) compared guided forest bathing, unguided forest exposure, and an urban outdoor activity among graduate students. The investigators observed improvements in several measures of negative mood following the outdoor experiences, but found no statistically significant additional short-term emotional benefit associated with guided forest exposure compared with unguided forest exposure. Because the study was small and examined immediate responses, its findings cannot establish that guidance offers no additional value in other circumstances. Nevertheless, the results challenge the assumption that professional organisation necessarily increases therapeutic effectiveness.

These observations reveal an important distinction between the conditions under which an experience occurs and the effects that subsequently emerge. A guided session may offer additional structure, professional preparation, accessibility, social opportunities, and forms of reflective engagement. These contributions may be valuable in their own right. However, it remains necessary to distinguish them from influences associated with the natural environment and the participant’s own engagement. To attribute the entire therapeutic effect of a forest encounter to professional facilitation would overlook the contribution of environmental exposure, individual agency, and other contextual processes.

This leads to the question of therapeutic agency. Is the forest itself the therapeutic agent? Does the guide act as the principal facilitator of therapeutic change? Is the participant responsible for producing meaning through their own attention and engagement? Or does therapeutic experience emerge through interactions among the forest, the guide, the participant, and, where applicable, other people?

Each possibility captures part of the phenomenon, but none appears sufficient as a universal explanation. The forest provides the environmental conditions within which the encounter unfolds. The guide may organise opportunities for particular forms of engagement. The participant perceives, responds, interprets, and attributes personal meaning to the experience. In group sessions, interpersonal relationships and shared activities may introduce additional influences. The therapeutic character of an experience may therefore be understood as emerging through interactions among environmental, biological, psychological, social, and cultural processes rather than residing exclusively within one identifiable agent.

At the same time, a relational understanding of therapeutic experience should not obscure the distinction between causal contribution and professional responsibility. The natural environment may influence well-being, but a forest does not assess clinical needs, obtain informed consent, or assume responsibility for the safety of participants. A guide may facilitate a supportive encounter, but this does not automatically qualify the guide to diagnose illness or deliver psychotherapy. Recognising that multiple elements contribute to an experience does not eliminate the need for clear professional boundaries, evidence-informed claims, and appropriate safeguarding.

The question becomes especially significant when ordinary encounters with nature are increasingly organised within professional and commercial settings. The development of guided Shinrin-Yoku sessions, forest therapy training programmes, professional certifications, nature-based retreats, and wellness tourism experiences reflects growing public interest in the relationship between natural environments and human health. Such developments may improve access to structured experiences, encourage education, and support professional standards. However, they also invite critical reflection concerning the meaning of the services being provided and the expectations created through therapeutic terminology.

If an individual can experience meaningful restoration through an independent forest walk, what additional value is introduced by a professionally guided session? Is that value necessarily therapeutic in a clinical sense, or might it involve education, accessibility, social connection, facilitation, and opportunities for reflection? Can these contributions be recognised without implying that independent nature contact is incomplete or inferior? Furthermore, how should the increasing commercialisation of guided forest experiences influence the terminology used to describe them?

These questions become particularly relevant when the therapeutic value of an experience is assessed primarily through measurable improvements in mood, stress, or other health indicators. Such measurements are important, especially when interventions are intended to support defined health-related objectives. However, they may not fully capture the complexity of human relationships with natural environments. An individual may return to a forest because of familiarity, curiosity, beauty, solitude, personal memory, or a developing sense of belonging. These motivations do not necessarily originate from a desire to improve health, although they may coexist with experiences that support well-being.

Moreover, the meaning of a forest encounter may extend beyond immediate emotional improvement. An experience need not produce happiness or relaxation to be personally significant. Someone may encounter grief, uncertainty, vulnerability, or difficult memories while spending time in nature. Such responses should not automatically be interpreted as therapeutic achievements, but neither should they be dismissed simply because they are uncomfortable. The relationship between emotional experience, personal meaning, and longer-term well-being is more complex than a straightforward movement from negative to positive emotion.

In my previous work on forest engagement, I have argued that spending time in a forest should not be reduced to one methodological category or understood exclusively as an organised health intervention (Guziak, 2025, 2026). Forest contact may be incidental, recreational, intentional, contemplative, socially meaningful, professionally guided, or integrated into a broader health-related intervention. These forms of engagement differ in intention, structure, duration, depth, and personal significance, yet they are neither necessarily mutually exclusive nor arranged in a hierarchy of therapeutic value.

An individual may begin by visiting a forest occasionally for recreation and later develop an enduring contemplative practice. Another may participate in one guided session that introduces unfamiliar ways of attending to the environment but subsequently prefer independent engagement. A third may find that structured group experiences provide opportunities for social connection or reassurance that would otherwise be difficult to access. Such differences suggest that the meaning and potential benefits of forest engagement may depend not only on the immediate encounter but also on how it relates to the individual’s wider circumstances and developing relationship with the natural world.

This perspective also requires caution when evaluating professional guidance. The presence of structure should not automatically be interpreted as greater therapeutic depth, just as the absence of structure should not be equated with a less developed relationship with nature. A person who spends time quietly observing a familiar tree may experience a profound sense of connection without following any formal practice. Another person may find comparable significance through carefully facilitated invitations. The scientific challenge is to investigate these experiences without presupposing that one form of engagement is inherently superior.

The development of Shinrin-Yoku into internationally recognised practices described as forest bathing and forest therapy provides a particularly revealing context for examining these questions. Although the terminology has evolved alongside scientific research, institutional development, professional training, and commercial provision, the fundamental phenomenon remains human engagement with forest environments. The adoption of a different name does not necessarily indicate that an entirely different process is taking place. However, terminology can influence the purpose attributed to an activity, the expectations of participants, and the professional claims associated with its delivery.

The present article builds upon this tension between experience and classification. It does not seek to deny the therapeutic potential of forests or diminish the legitimate contributions of trained Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy guides. Nor does it argue that structured interventions and independent nature contact are equivalent in every respect. Rather, it questions the conceptual assumptions that emerge when therapeutic effects, therapeutic intentions, professional services, and clinical treatments are discussed using overlapping terminology.

The discussion proceeds from the premise that a potentially therapeutic experience does not necessarily require professional organisation, while recognising that professional facilitation may introduce meaningful additional dimensions. Drawing on research from environmental psychology, health sciences, sociology, therapeutic landscapes, and nature-based interventions, the article examines how the word therapy has been applied to forest engagement, how therapeutic agency is attributed, and how the professionalisation and commercialisation of Shinrin-Yoku may influence contemporary understandings of its purpose.

Ultimately, the aim is not to establish a single universal definition of forest therapy but to encourage greater conceptual precision and ethical reflection. If the same forest can be experienced through recreation, contemplation, professional guidance, or a clinical intervention, then the designation therapeutic cannot be understood through the location or activity alone. The purpose, context, participant, professional framework, and observed or perceived outcomes must also be considered.

This brings the discussion back to a question that remains fundamental: what makes an experience therapeutic, and who has the authority to define it as such?

Perhaps the more demanding question is not simply whether nature is therapeutic, but what happens when experiences that already belong to ordinary human life become organised, professionalised, measured, and marketed as therapy. What is gained through this transformation, what may be altered, and what might be lost?

These questions provide the foundation for the discussion that follows.

References

American Music Therapy Association. (n.d.). What is music therapy? https://www.musictherapy.org/about/musictherapy/

Conrad, P. (2007). The medicalization of society: On the transformation of human conditions into treatable disorders. Johns Hopkins University Press. https://doi.org/10.56021/9780801885846

Coventry, P. A., Brown, J. V. E., Pervin, J., Brabyn, S., Pateman, R., Breedvelt, J., Gilbody, S., Stancliffe, R., McEachan, R., & White, P. C. L. (2021). Nature-based outdoor activities for mental and physical health: Systematic review and meta-analysis. SSM – Population Health, 16, Article 100934. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ssmph.2021.100934

Gesler, W. M. (1992). Therapeutic landscapes: Medical issues in light of the new cultural geography. Social Science & Medicine, 34(7), 735–746. https://doi.org/10.1016/0277-9536(92)90360-3

Guziak, M. A. (2025). Modalities of spending time in the forest. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syj202501en

Guziak, M. A. (2026). Spending time in the forest: Modalities of engagement, connection, and care. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI3202602-EN-2

Hartig, T., Mitchell, R., de Vries, S., & Frumkin, H. (2014). Nature and health. Annual Review of Public Health, 35, 207–228. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-publhealth-032013-182443

Holt-Lunstad, J., Smith, T. B., & Layton, J. B. (2010). Social relationships and mortality risk: A meta-analytic review. PLOS Medicine, 7(7), Article e1000316. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pmed.1000316

Kaplan, S. (1995). The restorative benefits of nature: Toward an integrative framework. Journal of Environmental Psychology, 15(3), 169–182. https://doi.org/10.1016/0272-4944(95)90001-2

Kim, J.-G., & Shin, W.-S. (2021). Forest therapy alone or with a guide: Is there a difference between self-guided forest therapy and guided forest therapy programs? International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 18(13), Article 6957. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18136957

Pennebaker, J. W. (1997). Writing about emotional experiences as a therapeutic process. Psychological Science, 8(3), 162–166. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9280.1997.tb00403.x

Qin, G., Yang, J., Liu, F., Zhang, Z., & Pan, C. (2026). Forest therapy for psychological stress and emotional disorders: A systematic review and meta-analysis. BMC Public Health, 26, Article 1736. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-026-27255-x

Zhang, Z., Gao, Y., Huang, X., & Ye, B. (2026). Comparing guided and unguided forest bathing for graduate student stress management: A pilot study. Frontiers in Psychology, 17, Article 1759571. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2026.1759571

Section 02 · Interactive article summary

Therapy and therapeutic: a necessary distinction

Nature contact may contribute to well-being without constituting clinical treatment. Calling something therapy does not establish its effectiveness; nor does the absence of a guide eliminate its therapeutic potential.

01 / Explore the conceptual framework

Four dimensions, not four stages

Select a dimension to reveal its definition and an important distinction. The four dimensions may coexist, but none automatically demonstrates another.

Therapeutic potential

A forest may offer opportunities for sensory engagement, restoration, physical movement, contemplation and connection. The presence of those opportunities does not establish that every person will benefit.

Essential distinction: a possibility of benefit is not evidence that a benefit occurred.

Therapeutic experience

A visitor may describe a forest encounter as calming, meaningful or restorative. This lived experience is important, but personal relief alone does not show a clinically significant outcome or identify a biological mechanism.

Essential distinction: subjective meaning is valuable, but is not interchangeable with clinical measurement.

Therapeutic intention

A person may independently visit a forest to reduce stress; a guide may design sensory invitations to support attention. Both involve intentions, yet neither guarantees the experience or its effects.

Essential distinction: the purpose of an activity and the outcome of that activity may differ.

Clinical therapy

A clinical intervention involves relevant professional qualifications, responsibilities, objectives, standards and scope of practice. It may take place in a forest, but a forest setting or professional title alone does not define clinical status.

Essential distinction: a Shinrin-Yoku guide does not automatically provide psychotherapy or medical treatment.


02 / Activities and therapeutic settings

Everyday activity is not automatically clinical therapy

The same human capacities may be involved in everyday life and professionally organised interventions. Open the examples below to explore the difference.

Everyday experience

Music, writing, movement, conversation, nature

These activities can have personal meaning and may support well-being without being formal treatment.

Clinical intervention

Defined purpose, standards and responsibilities

Professional interventions have a scope of practice, methods, obligations and healthcare-related objectives.

Music: listening versus music therapy

Listening to music may support emotion, memory or social connection. Clinical music therapy involves the structured use of musical interventions by an appropriately qualified professional within a therapeutic relationship.

Writing: private journaling versus clinical treatment

Expressive or reflective writing may be meaningful or relieving. A private journal does not automatically become psychotherapy, and a sense of relief does not establish clinically significant improvement.

Nature: an ordinary forest walk versus a clinical session outdoors

A walk may have therapeutic qualities without being organised as therapy. A qualified clinician may also provide formal treatment outdoors; that clinical status follows the intervention and the practitioner's responsibilities, not the presence of trees alone.


03 / Explore four forest scenarios

The same forest. Different contexts.

Choose a situation to compare potential, experience, intention and clinical status. The examples are illustrative rather than predictions.

An unplanned forest walk

Someone enters the forest simply to enjoy being outside. They might feel restored or might not. An unplanned encounter can be meaningful without being a professional intervention.

Therapeutic potential
Possible
Therapeutic experience
Not known
Therapeutic intention
Not specified
Clinical therapy
No

Intentional self-care in nature

Someone independently visits a forest hoping to support their well-being. They choose the activity for a reason, but whether it produces the intended effect remains an open question.

Therapeutic potential
Possible
Therapeutic experience
Not known
Therapeutic intention
Yes — personal
Clinical therapy
No

A guided Shinrin-Yoku session

A guide prepares a safe setting and offers invitations for sensory engagement or reflection. The participant may have different goals from the guide. Professional facilitation does not automatically constitute psychotherapy or guarantee benefit.

Therapeutic potential
Possible
Therapeutic experience
Not known
Therapeutic intention
Often present
Clinical therapy
Not necessarily

Clinical therapy in an outdoor setting

An appropriately qualified clinician provides an established treatment within their healthcare scope while using the forest as a setting. Clinical responsibilities apply even among trees; the actual outcome still requires evaluation.

Therapeutic potential
Possible
Therapeutic experience
Not known
Therapeutic intention
Clinical purpose
Clinical therapy
Yes — in this example

Professional structure may shape an encounter, but it neither creates all possible beneficial processes nor ensures the intended outcome.


04 / Implications for guiding

Responsible practice without overclaiming

Open each principle to explore why clarity matters for guides, researchers and participants.

Evidence: an intention or certificate does not prove effectiveness

Research findings apply to the participants, activities, methods and outcomes actually studied. A plausible mechanism, a professional title or completion of a training programme does not establish that every guided session produces clinically meaningful effects.

Autonomy: participants do not owe us a particular emotional response

Guides can create opportunities for attention and reflection without imposing predetermined feelings. Tears, silence, laughter or gratitude may matter deeply to a participant, yet none automatically demonstrates psychological healing.

Scope of practice: clarify what forest facilitation does and does not provide

Explain qualifications, realistic expectations, consent, safety and relevant boundaries. A nonclinical guide can be responsive and supportive without diagnosing psychological conditions or representing their work as clinical care.

Beyond therapeutic language: nature does not need to justify itself

A forest walk can be valuable for pleasure, curiosity, solitude, cultural connection or simply being outside. Its possible well-being benefits need not become an obligation or the sole reason for entering nature.

“An experience does not become therapeutic simply because it is called therapy, and it does not lose its therapeutic potential because no professional has organised it.”

— Section 2, Therapy and Therapeutic: A Necessary Conceptual Distinction

A conceptual summary of Section 2. The four dimensions form a proposed analytical framework, not a universally established clinical classification. See the full article for the evidence, qualifications and references.

2. Therapy and Therapeutic: A Necessary Conceptual Distinction

The distinction between therapy and therapeutic is central to understanding the contemporary development of Shinrin-Yoku, forest bathing, and forest therapy. Although these terms are closely related linguistically, they do not necessarily describe the same phenomenon, nor do they carry identical meanings across healthcare, scientific research, complementary practices, and everyday human experience. The word therapy commonly identifies an intentional practice or intervention undertaken for a health-related purpose, whereas the adjective therapeutic may refer more broadly to qualities, processes, or consequences perceived or demonstrated to contribute to well-being. However, these distinctions are not absolute, and their meanings vary according to disciplinary traditions, cultural contexts, and professional conventions.

Within clinical practice, therapy generally refers to a deliberate intervention intended to address a defined health-related need within an identifiable professional framework. Depending on the discipline, jurisdiction, and particular intervention, this framework may involve assessment, diagnosis where relevant, individualised objectives, evidence-informed methods, informed consent, professional qualifications, risk management, and evaluation of outcomes. Importantly, clinical therapy is not restricted exclusively to the treatment of diagnosed illness. Some recognised therapeutic disciplines also address prevention, rehabilitation, adaptation, quality of life, and the maintenance of functioning. Nevertheless, the intervention is ordinarily characterised by an identifiable professional purpose, a defined scope of practice, and responsibilities concerning the welfare of the person receiving the service.

Psychotherapy provides one example. The American Psychological Association (n.d.) describes psychotherapy as a professional psychological service involving communication and interaction to assess, diagnose, and treat difficulties associated with emotions, thinking, and behaviour. Although psychotherapeutic approaches differ considerably in their theoretical assumptions and techniques, their professional application involves more than ordinary interpersonal conversation. The therapeutic relationship is established within a framework of professional responsibility, confidentiality, informed consent, competence, and clinical judgement. The distinction does not imply that ordinary conversation lacks psychological value. Rather, it recognises that psychotherapy involves particular professional obligations and therapeutic purposes that cannot be inferred solely from the occurrence of a supportive interpersonal exchange.

Music therapy offers another illustrative example. According to the American Music Therapy Association (n.d.), music therapy involves the clinical and evidence-based use of music interventions to accomplish individualised goals within a therapeutic relationship established by an appropriately credentialed professional. Such interventions may address physical, psychological, emotional, cognitive, communicative, or social objectives. Yet music itself is not restricted to professional therapeutic settings. People listen to music, sing, dance, and create sounds for pleasure, emotional expression, cultural participation, memory, spiritual practice, or social connection. These activities may contribute to well-being without becoming clinical music therapy. Indeed, some of the processes through which music influences human experience may be present in both contexts, while the objectives, professional responsibilities, and methods used to organise them differ.

The same distinction can be extended to expressive writing. Pennebaker (1997) investigated how writing about emotionally significant experiences may influence psychological and physical health. His work contributed to a broader body of research examining emotional disclosure, cognitive processing, and the potential benefits of reflective writing. However, an individual writing privately in a journal does not automatically become a recipient of psychotherapy, even when the activity involves reflection upon difficult experiences or contributes to emotional relief. The process may have therapeutic qualities without constituting a formal therapeutic relationship. Furthermore, the effects of expressive writing are not necessarily uniform, and the presence of a personal sense of relief does not establish that a clinically significant improvement has occurred.

These examples highlight a fundamental distinction between the existence of processes relevant to well-being and the professional organisation of those processes into therapeutic interventions. Human activities do not begin to influence psychological or physiological functioning only when they are classified as therapy. Music, writing, movement, conversation, and environmental engagement may already involve mechanisms associated with attention, emotion, memory, social connection, and bodily regulation. Professional interventions may intentionally select, structure, and apply aspects of these activities toward particular goals, but the underlying human capacities are not necessarily created by the intervention itself.

This distinction becomes especially important when considering natural environments. A forest may provide opportunities for sensory engagement, physical activity, contemplation, emotional expression, social interaction, and the development of personal meaning. These possibilities exist whether the individual enters the forest independently or participates in a professionally facilitated session. Their presence does not establish that every encounter will produce beneficial effects, but it suggests that therapeutic potential cannot be assumed to originate exclusively from professional organisation.

Gesler’s (1992) concept of therapeutic landscapes provides a useful theoretical perspective. His work examines how the healing significance of places may emerge from relationships among physical environments, social processes, cultural meanings, and individual experiences. From this perspective, a place is not necessarily therapeutic because it possesses one identifiable restorative property. Rather, its perceived significance may develop through interactions among environmental characteristics, personal histories, social relationships, and symbolic associations. A forest may therefore be experienced as therapeutic under certain circumstances without being formally designated as a therapeutic environment.

This understanding raises an important epistemological question: when we describe an experience as therapeutic, are we describing the activity itself, the intention behind it, the processes through which it operates, or the consequences experienced by the individual?

These possibilities are often discussed together, yet they represent different aspects of the phenomenon. An intervention may have a therapeutic intention without producing the intended effect. An experience may produce a measurable health-related change without having been undertaken for therapeutic purposes. An individual may describe an encounter as deeply therapeutic even when no clinical assessment has been conducted. Conversely, a clinically effective treatment may be uncomfortable, emotionally demanding, or subjectively unpleasant while still contributing to a meaningful health-related outcome.

The relationship between intention, experience, and outcome is therefore neither simple nor necessarily linear.

For the purposes of the present discussion, four interrelated conceptual dimensions are proposed: therapeutic potential, therapeutic experience, therapeutic intention, and clinical therapy. These distinctions are offered as an analytical framework for examining forest-based practices rather than as a universally established classification system. Their purpose is to clarify what is being claimed when an activity, environment, or professionally facilitated encounter is described as therapeutic.

Therapeutic potential refers to the possibility that an environment, activity, relationship, or experience may support some aspect of human well-being under particular circumstances. The concept concerns a capacity or opportunity rather than a guaranteed outcome. A forest may provide environmental conditions associated with psychological restoration, opportunities for physical movement, exposure to sensory stimuli, and possibilities for social or contemplative engagement. However, the presence of such conditions does not establish that every individual will experience improvement.

The distinction between potential and actual effect is particularly important within forest-based research. Studies examining nature-based interventions have reported promising findings concerning stress, mood, and psychological well-being, while also identifying variations in intervention formats, participants, outcomes, and study quality (Coventry et al., 2021). A more recent systematic review and meta-analysis by Qin et al. (2026) reported favourable short-term psychological outcomes following forest therapy interventions but emphasised substantial heterogeneity and limitations in the certainty of the evidence. These findings support continued investigation of the therapeutic potential of forest environments while discouraging universal claims about effectiveness.

Therapeutic potential should therefore be understood as conditional and context-dependent. A natural environment may support restoration for one person while being physically unsuitable, emotionally uncomfortable, or inaccessible to another. Its potential may also vary over time. The same individual may experience a familiar forest differently depending on physical condition, emotional state, weather, social circumstances, or previous experiences. The environment’s capacity to contribute to well-being does not exist independently of these interacting conditions.

Therapeutic experience refers to the individual’s lived response to an activity, environment, or encounter, particularly when that response is perceived as supportive, restorative, meaningful, or beneficial in relation to well-being. Unlike therapeutic potential, which concerns what may occur, therapeutic experience concerns what a person reports or understands as having occurred. Such an experience may include emotional relief, reduced tension, a sense of calm, greater clarity, perceived connection, or an altered relationship with a personal concern.

However, the subjective interpretation of an experience deserves careful consideration. When someone describes a forest walk as therapeutic, the statement communicates something meaningful about their experience, but it does not necessarily identify the physiological mechanisms involved or demonstrate a clinically significant outcome. It is a form of experiential evidence that may be valuable for understanding the individual’s relationship with the environment, while remaining distinct from evidence obtained through controlled physiological measurements, validated psychological scales, or clinical assessments.

The importance of subjective meaning has also been examined within healthcare research. Moerman and Jonas (2002) proposed the concept of the meaning response to draw attention to how the significance attributed to treatments and healthcare encounters may influence human responses. Although their discussion concerns the broader interpretation of contextual effects in healthcare, it is relevant to considering how expectations, personal meaning, and the circumstances of an experience may contribute to perceived or measurable changes.

Applied cautiously to Shinrin-Yoku, this perspective suggests that the meaning of a forest encounter may influence how it is experienced. A participant who associates forests with safety, belonging, or meaningful childhood memories may respond differently from someone who associates similar environments with uncertainty or discomfort. Likewise, the description of an activity as forest therapy may introduce expectations that differ from those associated with an ordinary forest walk.

Such expectations may contribute to the experience, but they should not be confused with evidence that the underlying activity possesses specific clinical properties. Nor should contextual influences be understood as rendering an experience imaginary or insignificant. Human responses are shaped through interactions among perception, interpretation, prior experience, and environmental conditions.

An additional difficulty concerns the assumption that therapeutic experience must necessarily feel pleasant. Within contemporary wellness culture, therapeutic value is often associated with relaxation, happiness, positive emotion, and immediate relief from discomfort. Yet this interpretation may be too narrow. A meaningful experience may involve sadness, uncertainty, emotional vulnerability, or confrontation with difficult memories. These responses are not automatically therapeutic, but neither does their occurrence necessarily indicate that an experience has failed.

The distinction between emotional comfort and therapeutic significance is relevant to both clinical practice and everyday life. A difficult psychotherapeutic conversation may contribute to longer-term understanding without producing immediate happiness. Similarly, someone sitting quietly in a forest may encounter grief or unresolved concerns rather than relaxation. Whether such an experience ultimately contributes to well-being cannot be established merely from the emotions present at that moment.

A professional guide should therefore be cautious about interpreting emotional expression as evidence that therapeutic change has occurred. Tears, silence, laughter, or expressions of gratitude may be personally significant, but they do not automatically demonstrate psychological healing. The meaning of an experience belongs primarily to the individual, and its longer-term consequences may remain uncertain.

Therapeutic intention, the third dimension, concerns the deliberate organisation of an activity or experience with an objective related to health, restoration, psychological functioning, or well-being. Unlike therapeutic potential, which may exist without conscious planning, therapeutic intention introduces purpose. A person may decide to spend time outdoors to reduce stress, practise mindfulness to become more attentive, or write reflectively to process an emotionally difficult experience. These activities are intentionally undertaken for perceived benefit, yet they do not automatically constitute clinical therapy.

Therapeutic intention may therefore belong to the individual rather than to a professional. Someone who independently enters a forest with the intention of calming the mind is engaging in purposeful self-care. Their experience may be structured according to personal preferences, previous knowledge, or practices learned elsewhere. They may consciously attend to sounds, observe the movement of leaves, practise breathing exercises, or simply choose to remain still.

The absence of a guide does not eliminate therapeutic intention.

Conversely, a professionally guided session may contain therapeutic intentions established by the facilitator, the participant, or both. The guide may design invitations intended to support attention, relaxation, emotional awareness, or nature connectedness, while participants may arrive with different objectives. Some may seek relief from stress, others may be interested in learning about Shinrin-Yoku, and some may participate primarily because they enjoy spending time outdoors with others.

These intentions may coexist without being identical.

The relationship between an intervention’s intended purpose and the participant’s actual experience deserves particular attention. Professional intentions do not determine outcomes. A guide may intend to facilitate relaxation, but a participant may feel restless. An invitation designed to encourage sensory awareness may evoke an unexpected memory. A reflective activity intended to support nature connectedness may be perceived as unnecessary or intrusive by someone who already possesses a strong relationship with the natural environment.

A distinction must therefore be maintained between what the guide intends to support and what the participant actually experiences.

This concern relates directly to the Scaffolded Model of Engagement developed within The Mindful Tourist’s approach to guided forest experiences (Guziak, 2023). The model treats facilitation as a means of supporting progressively more autonomous engagement rather than controlling the content or meaning of each participant’s experience. Within this perspective, therapeutic intention can inform the design of a session without requiring participants to achieve predetermined emotional states.

Clinical therapy, the fourth dimension, refers to therapeutic interventions delivered within an appropriate professional healthcare framework, according to the qualifications, competencies, and responsibilities associated with the practitioner and the particular form of treatment. Clinical therapy may occur in hospitals, private practices, community settings, educational institutions, or natural environments. Its classification does not depend exclusively on location. Rather, it depends upon the nature of the service being delivered, the professional authority of the practitioner, the therapeutic objectives, and the standards governing the intervention.

The forest may therefore serve as a setting for clinical therapy without itself determining the professional identity of the intervention. For example, a suitably qualified mental health professional might conduct a psychotherapeutic session outdoors, using the natural environment as part of the therapeutic setting. In such a case, the clinical responsibilities of the practitioner remain relevant even though the encounter takes place among trees rather than inside a consulting room.

By contrast, a trained Shinrin-Yoku guide may facilitate sensory invitations, reflective experiences, and opportunities for nature connectedness without providing psychotherapy or medical treatment. Both practices may occur in a forest and may involve overlapping activities, such as mindful attention or reflective conversation. Yet they differ in their professional purposes, responsibilities, and applicable competencies.

This distinction is particularly important because the terminology used within forest therapy is not internationally standardised. In Japan, for example, the Forest Therapy Society (n.d.) distinguishes between Forest Therapy Guides and Forest Therapists within its own professional certification framework. These titles represent specified forms of education and expertise relating to forest-based health promotion and guided activity. However, the use of the term therapist within that framework should not automatically be interpreted as equivalent to the professional status of a licensed psychotherapist or another regulated healthcare practitioner. The legal significance of professional titles and permitted activities varies across jurisdictions.

Consequently, discussions of forest therapy must consider both linguistic and institutional context. It would be inaccurate to assume that every professional using the title forest therapist possesses clinical qualifications. It would be equally problematic to assume that all professionally delivered forest therapy activities fall outside healthcare, since some may be incorporated into clinical programmes by appropriately qualified practitioners.

The distinction therefore cannot be established through professional titles alone.

The relationship between health promotion and clinical treatment introduces another important consideration. The World Health Organization’s (1946) foundational understanding of health extends beyond the absence of disease to include physical, mental, and social well-being. Although the breadth of this definition has been debated, it reflects an understanding of health that cannot be reduced exclusively to the treatment of diagnosed illness.

Contemporary approaches such as green social prescribing further demonstrate the existence of practices situated between ordinary community activity and formal healthcare. NHS England (n.d.) describes green social prescribing as an approach through which individuals may be supported to participate in nature-based activities, including walking groups, community gardening, conservation, and other outdoor experiences, with the aim of supporting mental and physical health.

These activities may be connected to healthcare through professional referral or coordinated support, yet participation in a community gardening programme or walking group does not necessarily constitute clinical psychotherapy or another formally delivered clinical treatment.

This intermediate position is particularly relevant to nature-based well-being interventions. Activities may be organised within healthcare-related systems, supported by trained professionals, and directed toward identifiable health outcomes without possessing all the characteristics of clinical therapy.

The distinction is therefore better understood through several interacting dimensions than through a rigid division between therapy and non-therapy.

The four proposed dimensions—therapeutic potential, therapeutic experience, therapeutic intention, and clinical therapy—can coexist within the same encounter while remaining conceptually distinct. Consider a participant attending a guided Shinrin-Yoku session. The forest environment may offer therapeutic potential through its ecological and sensory characteristics. The guide may organise the session with a therapeutic intention related to relaxation, mindful attention, or well-being. The participant may subsequently report a therapeutic experience involving emotional relief or personal reflection. Yet none of these elements, individually or collectively, establishes that clinical psychotherapy has taken place.

Alternatively, someone may enter the forest without any intention to improve well-being and unexpectedly experience emotional restoration. In such a situation, a therapeutic experience may emerge from an encounter that was neither professionally organised nor explicitly directed toward a health-related outcome.

A third individual might enter a forest with a deliberate intention to support personal well-being through independent contemplative practice. Here, therapeutic intention and therapeutic experience may coincide without professional facilitation.

Finally, a qualified clinician may deliver a formal therapeutic intervention outdoors, integrating environmental exposure into an established professional treatment framework. In that case, clinical therapy may coexist with the therapeutic potential of the setting, the intention of the intervention, and the participant’s subjective experience.

These examples demonstrate that the dimensions are neither mutually exclusive nor necessarily sequential. An experience does not need to progress from therapeutic potential through professional intention to clinical therapy in order to acquire value.

Furthermore, there is no basis for assuming that movement toward greater professional structure necessarily represents movement toward greater therapeutic effectiveness.

Research comparing guided and unguided forest experiences illustrates this point. Kim and Shin (2021) found that participants in both conditions described overlapping sensory and psychological experiences, although differences emerged in the emphasis placed on introspection, emotional change, and social interaction. These findings suggest that professional guidance may influence the form of engagement rather than simply determining the existence or absence of therapeutic benefit.

Professional structure may alter the conditions of an encounter, but this does not mean that it creates all the processes through which well-being may be supported.

A further distinction concerns the difference between therapeutic intention and demonstrated effectiveness. An intervention may be carefully designed, delivered by a trained facilitator, and supported by a coherent theoretical rationale while still requiring empirical investigation to establish whether it produces its intended outcomes.

The presence of a plausible mechanism does not establish clinical efficacy. Similarly, professional certification demonstrates completion of requirements within a particular educational framework, but does not independently demonstrate that all activities delivered by a certified practitioner produce clinically meaningful results.

This distinction is essential in a field where professional education, research, and commercial provision are developing simultaneously.

The existence of a professional title may communicate training and competence in particular activities. However, it should not be used to imply broader therapeutic qualifications that the practitioner does not possess. Nor should the scientific literature concerning forest exposure be presented as direct evidence for the effectiveness of every commercially available guided session.

Research findings need to be interpreted according to the interventions actually studied, their participants, comparison conditions, methods, and measured outcomes.

At the same time, the importance of professional qualifications and boundaries should not lead us to minimise the potential value of nonclinical facilitation. The professional relationship itself may shape participants’ experiences through communication, trust, perceived safety, and responsiveness. Within psychotherapy research, Norcross and Lambert (2018) identified substantial contributions of therapeutic relationship factors to treatment outcomes. Although findings from clinical psychotherapy cannot be transferred directly to Shinrin-Yoku guiding, they provide a useful theoretical basis for considering how relational and contextual dimensions may influence professionally facilitated experiences.

A forest therapy guide may contribute through familiarity with the environment, careful preparation, sensitivity to participants’ needs, and the creation of opportunities for reflection or shared experience. These contributions need not be described as psychotherapy to be professionally valuable.

The distinction also has ethical implications concerning expectations and informed participation. When an activity is advertised as therapy, participants may reasonably infer that it has a defined therapeutic purpose, that the facilitator possesses relevant expertise, and that claims about its benefits are supported by evidence appropriate to the service being offered. Even when the term is used within a nonclinical wellness context, it may carry associations with treatment, recovery, and professional authority.

Practitioners therefore have a responsibility to explain what their services involve, what outcomes may reasonably be anticipated, and what falls outside their scope of practice.

Clear communication is particularly important when participants disclose emotional difficulties or seek guidance concerning mental health. A Shinrin-Yoku guide may provide a supportive and respectful environment, adapt activities, allow space for silence, and respond appropriately to expressions of discomfort. However, these responsibilities do not necessarily include diagnosing psychological conditions, interpreting emotional responses as symptoms, or providing clinical treatment.

Care should also be taken not to interpret every intense emotional reaction as evidence of healing. A participant becoming tearful during a forest session may be experiencing grief, gratitude, discomfort, personal memory, or another complex response. The presence of emotion does not independently establish therapeutic progress, nor should a guide assume authority over its meaning.

Such situations illustrate why professional responsibility must be distinguished from therapeutic agency. A guide may be responsible for safe and ethical facilitation without being the sole cause of the participant’s experience. Similarly, a participant may exercise autonomy and contribute to the unfolding encounter while remaining entitled to appropriate professional safeguarding.

The broader significance of this distinction extends beyond forest therapy to contemporary wellness culture. As more ordinary human activities become described through therapeutic terminology, there is a risk that the language of health improvement will increasingly determine how such activities are understood and valued.

Conrad’s (2007) analysis of medicalisation offers a relevant perspective on the expansion of health-related frameworks into areas of ordinary life. Although professional wellness provision should not automatically be equated with clinical medicalisation, similar questions arise concerning the transformation of familiar experiences into organised services associated with particular health claims.

When spending time in nature is presented primarily as a therapeutic intervention, other meanings of the activity may receive less attention. Recreation, curiosity, cultural relationships with place, solitude, exploration, social interaction, and the simple enjoyment of being outdoors may become secondary to expectations of measurable psychological improvement.

This shift deserves critical examination because an experience does not necessarily require a health-related justification in order to be valuable.

A forest walk may be worth undertaking because the individual enjoys walking through a forest. The sound of birds, the changing light, the familiar route, or the presence of a particular tree may be sufficient reasons for returning.

The possibility that the encounter may also support well-being does not mean that well-being must become its primary objective.

Indeed, an excessive emphasis on expected therapeutic outcomes may alter the participant’s relationship with the activity. Someone who enters the forest believing that they should feel calm may become preoccupied with evaluating whether relaxation has occurred. A person who participates in a guided session expecting a meaningful emotional experience may feel disappointed if nothing unusual happens.

Such possibilities do not establish that therapeutic intentions are harmful, but they suggest that expectations themselves may become part of the experience.

The challenge is therefore to recognise therapeutic potential without making its realisation an obligation.

This concern is particularly relevant to mindful and contemplative forms of forest engagement, where participants may be invited to observe experience as it unfolds rather than pursue a predetermined emotional state. The possibility of simply being present, without needing to achieve an identifiable outcome, may constitute an important aspect of the practice.

However, even this orientation should not be romanticised. An unstructured experience is not automatically more authentic, profound, or restorative than a guided one. Individual needs and preferences vary, and different forms of support may be appropriate under different circumstances.

The distinction between therapy and therapeutic therefore does not require us to establish a hierarchy between clinical care, professionally guided well-being practices, and ordinary human experience. Rather, it encourages conceptual clarity about their respective purposes and contributions.

Within the context of Shinrin-Yoku/Forest Bathing/Forest Therapy, this clarity may support a more nuanced understanding of professional identity. A guide does not need to claim clinical therapeutic authority in order to make a meaningful contribution to participants’ experiences. The value of guiding may reside in creating accessible opportunities for nature contact, facilitating attention, supporting autonomy, preparing safe environments, and allowing participants to explore their own relationships with the natural world.

Likewise, acknowledging the therapeutic potential of ordinary forest contact does not diminish the value of professional guidance. It situates that guidance within a broader field of human experiences that may contribute to well-being through different pathways.

The four dimensions proposed here provide a foundation for distinguishing these possibilities without reducing them to rigid categories.

Therapeutic potential concerns what may become possible under particular conditions. Therapeutic experience concerns how an encounter is lived and interpreted by the individual. Therapeutic intention concerns the purpose with which an activity is undertaken or organised. Clinical therapy concerns the professional delivery of an intervention within an appropriate healthcare framework.

These dimensions may converge, but none should be treated as sufficient evidence for the others.

An experience may be therapeutic without having been designed as therapy. An activity may be undertaken with therapeutic intention without producing the intended result. A professionally facilitated forest session may support well-being without constituting clinical treatment. And a clinically delivered intervention may involve ordinary activities whose value extends beyond their formal therapeutic application.

Ultimately, this distinction invites us to reconsider whether the word therapy describes a particular experience, a professional relationship, an intended outcome, or an institutional classification.

Perhaps the difficulty arises because we frequently move between these meanings without recognising that we have done so.

A person may say that the forest was therapeutic because they felt calmer. A researcher may describe forest therapy because an intervention was organised to investigate health-related outcomes. A guide may use the term to communicate a professional service, while a clinician may associate it with formal treatment and professional responsibilities.

All may be referring to experiences involving the same forest, yet they are not necessarily making the same claim.

The distinction matters because terminology shapes interpretation, expectation, professional identity, research design, and the way human experiences become valued.

Recognising that ordinary activities may have therapeutic qualities does not require us to describe all of them as therapy. Similarly, acknowledging that professional interventions can support well-being does not require us to assume that their effects are unique to professionally organised settings.

An experience does not become therapeutic simply because it is called therapy, and it does not lose its therapeutic potential because no professional has organised it.

This conceptual distinction provides the foundation for examining the broader expansion of therapeutic terminology within contemporary wellness practices and, subsequently, the particular evolution of Shinrin-Yoku, forest bathing, and forest therapy.

References

American Music Therapy Association. (n.d.). What is music therapy? https://www.musictherapy.org/about/musictherapy/

American Psychological Association. (n.d.). Psychotherapy. https://www.apa.org/topics/therapy/

Conrad, P. (2007). The medicalization of society: On the transformation of human conditions into treatable disorders. Johns Hopkins University Press. https://doi.org/10.56021/9780801885846

Coventry, P. A., Brown, J. V. E., Pervin, J., Brabyn, S., Pateman, R., Breedvelt, J., Gilbody, S., Stancliffe, R., McEachan, R., & White, P. C. L. (2021). Nature-based outdoor activities for mental and physical health: Systematic review and meta-analysis. SSM – Population Health, 16, Article 100934. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ssmph.2021.100934

Forest Therapy Society. (n.d.). Forest Therapy Society: Official website. https://fo-society.jp/en/

Gesler, W. M. (1992). Therapeutic landscapes: Medical issues in light of the new cultural geography. Social Science & Medicine, 34(7), 735–746. https://doi.org/10.1016/0277-9536(92)90360-3

Guziak, M. A. (2023). Scaffolded model of engagement for facilitating guided forest therapy sessions. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://shinrin-yoku-association.com/2023/05/

Kim, J.-G., & Shin, W.-S. (2021). Forest therapy alone or with a guide: Is there a difference between self-guided forest therapy and guided forest therapy programs? International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 18(13), Article 6957. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18136957

Moerman, D. E., & Jonas, W. B. (2002). Deconstructing the placebo effect and finding the meaning response. Annals of Internal Medicine, 136(6), 471–476. https://doi.org/10.7326/0003-4819-136-6-200203190-00011

NHS England. (n.d.). Green social prescribing. https://www.england.nhs.uk/personalisedcare/social-prescribing/green-social-prescribing/

Norcross, J. C., & Lambert, M. J. (2018). Psychotherapy relationships that work III. Psychotherapy, 55(4), 303–315. https://doi.org/10.1037/pst0000193

Pennebaker, J. W. (1997). Writing about emotional experiences as a therapeutic process. Psychological Science, 8(3), 162–166. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9280.1997.tb00403.x

Qin, G., Yang, J., Liu, F., Zhang, Z., & Pan, C. (2026). Forest therapy for psychological stress and emotional disorders: A systematic review and meta-analysis. BMC Public Health, 26, Article 1736. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-026-27255-x

World Health Organization. (1946). Constitution of the World Health Organization. https://www.who.int/about/governance/constitution/

When Does Nature Become Therapy?   /   Section 03

The expansion of therapy into everyday well-being

Music, writing, movement, gardening and time in nature can be meaningful or beneficial without being formally described as therapy. This section explores what changes when familiar experiences become health interventions, professional practices and commercial services.

Three distinctions

What should not be confused?

The article distinguishes the experience itself, the contribution of professional support and claims about therapeutic outcomes.

Potential benefit ≠ formal therapy

An ordinary activity may support well-being without being a clinical intervention. Shared mechanisms do not mean that all practices have the same evidence or professional status.

Professional value ≠ proven causality

A guide may add preparation, safety, accessibility and thoughtful structure. Those contributions do not, on their own, establish which element caused an observed benefit.

Meaning ≠ immediate improvement

An experience may involve discomfort, curiosity, reflection or connection rather than relaxation. Its significance can extend beyond measurable changes in mood.

Explore the argument

Eight perspectives from Section 3

Select any subsection to read its short summary. Multiple subsections can remain open at the same time.

3.1Therapeutic potential in ordinary activitiesFrom music and art to scent and sound

Humans have long sung, danced, made art, enjoyed fragrances and sought natural places for reasons that have nothing to do with treatment. Contemporary therapeutic approaches may organise these familiar activities around explicit goals, professional methods or health-related claims. Evidence of well-being benefits does not mean that every version of an activity is therapy.

Music therapy has an identifiable clinical framework, whereas labels such as sound therapy, aromatherapy and colour therapy can cover practices with different levels of evidence. The article asks us to distinguish the experience, the proposed mechanism and the effectiveness of a particular intervention.

3.2Medicalisation of everyday lifeWhen ordinary experiences become health goals

Drawing on Conrad's account of medicalisation and Crawford's concept of healthism, the article considers how gardening, resting, exercising or visiting nature may be evaluated primarily through their contribution to health. This interpretation can reveal real benefits, but it can also narrow the personal, cultural and social significance of these activities.

Wellness practices are not necessarily medical treatments, and recognising benefits is not itself a problem. Concern arises when responsibility for coping with distress is placed almost entirely on individuals, while working conditions, housing, loneliness and unequal access to supportive environments receive less attention.

3.3The expectation of feeling betterWhy relaxation is not the only meaningful outcome

Well-being includes more than pleasure or immediate positive emotion. As discussed through hedonic and eudaimonic perspectives, a meaningful experience may involve understanding, growth, connection or difficult reflection. Someone participating in Shinrin-Yoku may feel curious, unsettled or thoughtful rather than calm.

When guided activities are advertised chiefly as stress-reducing, participants may judge them by whether they achieve the expected emotional state. Responsible facilitation can provide a supportive setting and intentional invitations, but cannot guarantee relaxation, happiness or transformation.

3.4Professionalisation and commercialisationWhat a guide can contribute—and what they cannot own

Professional training can improve site assessment, ethical practice, inclusion, facilitation and responsiveness to participants. Commercial programmes can also support access to guided experiences. Yet a paid service should not be assumed to have unique therapeutic qualities simply because it is organised and professionally described.

In forest-based practice, the guide's contribution may lie in creating conditions for attention, connection and confidence. This value does not depend on claiming ownership of the forest's restorative potential. Helping participants feel able to return to nature independently may itself be a worthwhile result.

3.5When daily life becomes an interventionSocial prescribing and changes in context

Green social prescribing may connect people with walking groups, community gardening or conservation activities through health-related referral pathways. The underlying activities remain familiar, but the surrounding system adds coordination, accessibility, support and health objectives.

Such organisation can matter greatly for people facing social or practical barriers. Still, when outcomes improve, researchers need to ask whether the benefits came from nature exposure, movement, companionship, motivation, professional support or their combination. Referral does not by itself identify the active ingredient.

3.6Preserving ordinary contact with natureConnection should not depend on a paid programme

Research into recreational nature contact, including White and colleagues' observational study, suggests associations with well-being beyond professionally delivered programmes; such associations do not establish causation. Pathways such as contact, emotion, meaning, beauty and compassion can also emerge during independent encounters.

Professional facilitation may help people notice or access these possibilities, but it does not create the capacity for connection. A responsible field should value public green spaces, equitable access and the simple possibility of returning to a tree, garden or forest without purchasing a service.

3.7Beyond the obligation to improveNature has value beyond measurable health outcomes

Not every activity needs to optimise well-being. People may write to express themselves, dance for enjoyment or enter a forest out of curiosity and affection. These experiences can matter even when no measurable psychological improvement follows.

Viewing forests only as resources for stress reduction risks overlooking their ecological lives and the relationships people develop with them. A guided session may inspire curiosity or environmental care rather than an immediate change in mood. Meaning and clinical effectiveness are different dimensions of value.

3.8Implications for Shinrin-YokuClarity without diminishing professional practice

Forest engagement can be recreational, contemplative, social, educational or health-oriented. Guided Shinrin-Yoku adds possibilities for structure, inclusion and responsible support, but unguided contact may also be meaningful. Neither form should automatically be placed above the other in a hierarchy of therapeutic value.

The article calls for greater precision about what is being studied or offered: the forest environment, the participant's experience, facilitation, or a clinical intervention. Recognising the potential of nature does not require us to call every forest encounter therapy—and recognising the value of guides does not require us to diminish independent nature contact.

For readers, researchers and practitioners

Four questions to ask of any therapeutic claim

The presence of a beneficial experience and the effectiveness of a particular service are not the same scientific claim. These questions help keep that distinction visible.

01
What is the activity?Distinguish ordinary engagement from a deliberately organised intervention.
02
What else contributes?Consider context, social interaction, rest, expectations and facilitation.
03
What does the evidence show?Separate reported experience, observed association and demonstrated causal effects.
04
What value lies beyond treatment?Leave room for enjoyment, meaning, autonomy, curiosity and ecological connection.

The idea to carry forward

“An experience may contribute to well-being without having been undertaken for the purpose of improving well-being.”

Perhaps not everything that makes us feel better needs to become therapy.

Selected research discussed in Section 3: Fancourt & Finn (2019) · White et al. (2019) · Lumber et al. (2017) · Ryan & Deci (2001). This is a conceptual summary, not a clinical recommendation. Refer to the complete article for the full discussion and reference list.

3. The Expansion of Therapy into Everyday Well-Being

3.1. Therapeutic Potential and the Formalisation of Ordinary Activities

The term therapy has progressively extended beyond conventional healthcare into an increasingly diverse range of activities, experiences, and practices associated with human well-being. Music therapy, aromatherapy, sound therapy, colour therapy, dance and movement therapy, art therapy, horticultural therapy, and nature therapy are among the expressions used to describe practices involving sensory stimulation, creative expression, bodily movement, environmental engagement, or relationships with other people. Although these modalities differ substantially in their historical development, theoretical foundations, professional structures, and empirical support, their terminology suggests a shared concern with the possibility that familiar human activities may contribute to psychological or physical well-being.

The increasing application of therapeutic terminology to ordinary activities raises questions concerning how experiences become recognised as health-related interventions and whether professional organisation necessarily alters the processes through which individuals experience benefit. Human beings have listened to music, sung, danced, cultivated plants, encountered natural fragrances, created visual expressions, shared stories, and spent time in natural environments across different historical periods and cultural settings. These activities have served recreational, spiritual, artistic, social, practical, and personal purposes long before many were incorporated into contemporary therapeutic and wellness frameworks. Their contemporary classification as therapy does not necessarily indicate that new human capacities have emerged. Rather, existing activities may be interpreted, reorganised, and applied within new institutional, scientific, and commercial contexts. This transformation may involve the development of professional methods, systematic research, defined objectives, and formal training requirements. It may also involve changes in how individuals understand and evaluate activities that were previously undertaken without explicit therapeutic intention.

An important distinction must therefore be maintained between the recognition of therapeutic potential and the assumption that an activity becomes therapeutic primarily because it has been formalised into a professional intervention. Research across the arts and health sciences demonstrates that creative and expressive activities may contribute to health and well-being through several pathways. In a scoping review commissioned by the World Health Organization Regional Office for Europe, Fancourt and Finn (2019) synthesised evidence from more than 3,000 studies examining the role of artistic engagement across prevention, health promotion, illness management, and treatment. The review included activities such as music, theatre, literature, visual arts, and dance, as well as professionally delivered interventions. Its findings suggest that engagement with the arts may contribute to psychological, social, and physical health through diverse mechanisms, including emotional expression, cognitive stimulation, social interaction, and behavioural processes.

However, this evidence does not imply that all creative activities constitute therapy or that therapeutic effects are identical across different forms of engagement. The distinction between artistic participation, organised health promotion, and clinical intervention remains important. A person may sing because singing is enjoyable, participate in a community choir to develop social relationships, or engage in a music-based intervention to address a particular health-related objective. These experiences may share certain sensory and psychological processes while differing in intention, organisation, professional responsibilities, and measurable outcomes.

Music offers a particularly useful example because its therapeutic applications have developed into an identifiable professional discipline. The American Music Therapy Association (n.d.) defines music therapy as the clinical and evidence-based use of music interventions by appropriately credentialed professionals to accomplish individualised goals within a therapeutic relationship. Professional music therapy may involve assessment, intervention planning, musical activities selected for particular purposes, and evaluation of outcomes.

Nevertheless, music listening and musical expression are not dependent upon the existence of music therapists. People engage with music through personal preferences, cultural traditions, emotional associations, and spontaneous responses. A familiar melody may evoke memories, support a sense of belonging, or offer comfort during a difficult period. Someone may sing privately, dance while preparing food, or listen to music while travelling without considering the activity therapeutic. If the experience subsequently contributes to emotional relief, its therapeutic quality has not necessarily been created by professional organisation. Professional music therapy may introduce additional value through clinical expertise, individualisation, accessibility, and the deliberate use of musical processes to address particular needs. Yet this contribution should be distinguished from the broader capacity of musical experiences to influence human functioning.

The same distinction becomes more complicated when considering practices whose professional boundaries are less clearly established. Sound therapy, for example, is frequently used as a broad designation for activities involving singing bowls, gongs, sustained tones, vibrations, and other auditory stimuli. Some of these experiences are marketed as sound healing, sound baths, or vibrational therapy, often accompanied by claims concerning relaxation, stress reduction, emotional regulation, or physiological balance.

Research has begun to examine particular applications. Goldsby et al. (2017) investigated changes in mood, tension, and well-being following a singing-bowl meditation experience. Participants reported improvements in several psychological measures after the session. However, because the study was observational and lacked a control group, the findings could not establish that the observed changes were caused specifically by the instruments rather than by factors such as rest, expectations, the meditative setting, or the overall experience. More recently, Cai et al. (2025) reviewed 19 clinical studies of singing-bowl interventions and identified potentially favourable findings concerning anxiety, depression, sleep, and selected physiological outcomes. Nevertheless, differences in study design, populations, intervention procedures, and methodological quality complicate the interpretation of the evidence.

The distinction is important because the subjective experience of relaxation during a sound-based session does not, by itself, establish the therapeutic effectiveness of a particular sound frequency, instrument, or proposed physiological mechanism. Nor does the presence of an observable psychological response necessarily demonstrate that the same response could not occur through ordinary music listening, silence, guided relaxation, or another activity.

Similar issues arise in aromatherapy. The National Center for Complementary and Integrative Health (n.d.) describes aromatherapy as a complementary health approach involving essential oils derived from plants. These substances are commonly used through inhalation or diluted topical application, frequently with the intention of supporting relaxation, sleep, or symptom management. The empirical evidence, however, differs according to the particular oil, method of administration, population, and outcome studied. Some research suggests possible benefits for selected symptoms, while other findings remain inconclusive. The National Cancer Institute (n.d.), for example, reports mixed results from studies of aromatherapy in supportive cancer care.

An additional distinction concerns the relationship between ordinary olfactory experiences and professionally organised aromatherapy. Human beings encounter fragrances continuously through food, vegetation, soil, flowers, wood, domestic environments, and many other sources. Smells can evoke memories, emotional associations, and behavioural responses without being incorporated into a formal therapeutic practice. A person walking through a forest may notice the scent of damp soil, pine needles, or flowering vegetation and experience pleasure, familiarity, or comfort. This response may involve olfactory perception, memory, attention, and personal meaning. Yet the experience does not necessarily become aromatherapy simply because the sensory stimulus originates from a plant. Professional aromatherapy may involve particular substances, methods, concentrations, and intended applications. The ordinary experience of natural fragrance, however, belongs to a much broader domain of human sensory life.

These distinctions demonstrate why practices sharing the suffix therapy should not be assumed to possess equivalent evidence, mechanisms, professional recognition, or clinical significance. The example of colour therapy illustrates this problem further. Colour-related wellness practices may claim that particular colours influence emotional states, physiological processes, or health outcomes. Although visual environments and illumination can affect perception, attention, comfort, and aspects of physiological functioning, these established phenomena do not automatically validate every therapeutic claim associated with colour. The existence of a plausible relationship between a sensory stimulus and human functioning is not sufficient to establish the effectiveness of a particular intervention.

The same principle applies to nature-based modalities. Evidence that spending time in natural environments may influence mood, attention, or stress-related outcomes does not automatically establish the effectiveness of every activity marketed as nature therapy. The fundamental question is therefore not whether ordinary experiences can influence well-being. Research across numerous disciplines suggests that they can. Rather, the question is how such evidence is interpreted when the activities become associated with professional therapeutic terminology. A scientific demonstration that an activity may contribute to well-being is not equivalent to demonstrating that a particular professional service offers benefits beyond those produced by the activity itself.

This distinction is essential because therapeutic effects may depend on multiple interacting components. An organised intervention may combine the activity with professional attention, social interaction, expectations, environmental conditions, time away from ordinary responsibilities, and opportunities for reflection. When these components occur together, identifying the contribution of any single element becomes methodologically challenging.

For example, a participant attending a commercially organised sound bath may spend an hour lying comfortably in a quiet environment, away from everyday demands, while listening to unfamiliar sounds in the presence of other people. If relaxation occurs, it may be associated with the auditory experience, the opportunity to rest, the atmosphere, the participant’s expectations, or interactions among these elements. Similarly, a participant attending a guided forest therapy session may experience changes in mood following exposure to the natural environment, walking, attentional invitations, interpersonal connection, contemplative pauses, and the experience of temporarily withdrawing from daily responsibilities. The fact that these components are intentionally organised does not establish which ones are necessary, sufficient, or responsible for the observed outcome.

Professionalisation may therefore introduce additional value without necessarily creating entirely new therapeutic mechanisms. The contribution may lie in the selection, sequencing, adaptation, accessibility, and responsible facilitation of experiences that may also occur in less structured contexts. This possibility deserves greater recognition within discussions of wellness modalities because professional value and therapeutic causality are not interchangeable concepts.

3.2. Medicalisation and the Therapeutic Interpretation of Everyday Life

The expansion of therapeutic terminology can also be examined through sociological perspectives on medicalisation. Conrad (2007) describes medicalisation as a process through which aspects of human life increasingly become defined, interpreted, and addressed within medical frameworks. Activities, conditions, and experiences previously understood through social, moral, personal, or cultural categories may become associated with health-related terminology, diagnosis, professional intervention, and treatment.

Although the contemporary wellness industry does not operate exclusively within medicine, certain developments reflect related tendencies. Ordinary human experiences may increasingly be interpreted according to their potential contribution to health, psychological functioning, or emotional regulation. Activities that were once valued primarily for pleasure, community, creativity, or personal meaning may acquire an additional identity as instruments for improving well-being. A person may engage in gardening because they enjoy growing vegetables, caring for plants, or observing seasonal change. Yet the same activity may be organised into a horticultural therapy programme. Someone may dance because movement and music are enjoyable, while another person participates in a structured dance or movement intervention. Spending time in nature may be pursued for recreation or personal interest, while organised forest-based activities may be presented as therapeutic interventions.

The distinction is not that one activity is beneficial and the other is not. Nor does professional organisation necessarily represent an inappropriate medicalisation of ordinary life. Rather, these examples demonstrate how a familiar activity may be interpreted through different frameworks, each of which introduces particular objectives, expectations, and forms of authority. Medicalisation should therefore not be treated as synonymous with the development of wellness practices. Many wellness services are not clinical, do not involve medical diagnosis, and may explicitly position themselves outside conventional healthcare. Conversely, some activities incorporated into healthcare through professional referral or therapeutic programmes may be valuable precisely because they connect clinical services with community life.

Nevertheless, the expansion of health-related interpretations raises an important question: to what extent are everyday human experiences increasingly understood according to their capacity to improve or optimise health? This concern was explored by Crawford (1980), who introduced the concept of healthism in his analysis of the medicalisation of everyday life. Healthism refers to a broader cultural orientation in which health becomes a central personal value and responsibility, often accompanied by an emphasis on individual lifestyle choices and self-management. Within such a framework, activities may increasingly be evaluated according to their contribution to health improvement rather than their intrinsic personal, cultural, or social significance.

Exercise becomes a means of optimising physical functioning. Meditation may be undertaken primarily to improve productivity or reduce stress. Eating may be organised around nutritional targets, while rest becomes another activity to be monitored and improved. Nature contact may undergo a comparable transformation. A forest walk may be valued because it contributes to stress reduction. A garden may be understood primarily through its potential psychological benefits. Time outdoors may become another measurable component of a health-oriented lifestyle.

There is nothing inherently problematic about recognising these benefits. Scientific research has made important contributions to understanding how everyday environments and behaviours influence health. The concern arises when therapeutic or health-related interpretations begin to dominate the meaning of experiences that may already possess value independent of their contribution to measurable outcomes. A person may enjoy sitting beneath a tree without attempting to regulate emotional states. Another may listen to birds because the sounds are beautiful rather than because they are expected to reduce stress. Someone may visit a forest because of a childhood memory, a sense of familiarity, or simple curiosity. Must these experiences become instruments of psychological improvement in order to be considered meaningful?

From a sociological perspective, the growing therapeutic interpretation of everyday activities may also contribute to an individualised understanding of well-being. When stress, exhaustion, loneliness, or emotional discomfort are framed primarily as problems to be addressed through personal wellness practices, the broader social and environmental conditions contributing to these experiences may receive insufficient attention. Crawford (1980) specifically questioned approaches that locate responsibility for health primarily within the individual while overlooking social and political determinants.

This concern remains relevant when nature-based activities are presented as solutions to contemporary stress-related difficulties. Spending time in a forest may provide meaningful relief, but it does not necessarily address excessive working hours, insecure employment, inadequate housing, social isolation, or limited access to supportive environments. An individual may benefit from a forest therapy session while continuing to encounter the structural conditions contributing to their distress. Forest-based interventions should therefore be considered potential contributors to well-being rather than universal solutions to complex social and health problems.

3.3. Wellness, Self-Improvement, and the Expectation of Feeling Better

The increasing organisation of everyday activities around well-being also raises questions concerning the cultural expectation that experiences should produce positive psychological outcomes. Contemporary wellness discourse frequently emphasises relaxation, emotional balance, resilience, happiness, and self-improvement. Activities are often presented according to their potential to help individuals feel better, function more effectively, or manage the demands of daily life. Yet well-being itself is a complex concept. Ryan and Deci (2001) distinguished between hedonic understandings of well-being, concerned primarily with pleasure and happiness, and eudaimonic approaches, which emphasise meaning, personal development, and the realisation of human capacities. This distinction is relevant because therapeutic experiences need not be reduced to immediate positive emotion.

An individual may experience satisfaction through creativity, social contribution, or personal exploration without necessarily feeling relaxed. A meaningful conversation may involve disagreement or emotional discomfort. Writing may evoke difficult memories while contributing to greater understanding. Spending time alone in a forest may provide an opportunity to encounter unresolved questions rather than escape them. Whether such experiences subsequently contribute to well-being depends on circumstances that cannot always be anticipated or measured immediately. A narrow emphasis on relaxation may therefore exclude other dimensions of meaningful engagement.

This is particularly important within Shinrin-Yoku, where guided sessions may include invitations to observe the environment, notice bodily sensations, explore personal responses, and reflect upon the encounter. If the purpose of the session is presented primarily as stress reduction, participants may begin evaluating their experience according to whether they feel calmer. A participant who becomes restless, distracted, or emotionally uncomfortable may interpret the session as unsuccessful, even when the experience has provided an opportunity for reflection or increased awareness. Conversely, an individual may report relaxation without experiencing a deeper sense of connection with the surrounding environment. The relationship between immediate emotional change and longer-term meaning is therefore not straightforward.

In contemplative practice, the expectation of obtaining a particular emotional state may itself shape attention. The individual may become preoccupied with evaluating whether the experience is working rather than remaining open to what is occurring. This does not mean that intentional relaxation practices are inherently counterproductive. Rather, it suggests that a strong emphasis on expected outcomes may influence the way experiences are approached and interpreted. Within guided nature-based activities, this creates a tension between designing an intervention with an identifiable purpose and allowing participants sufficient freedom to encounter the environment without an obligation to produce a particular response.

The question becomes especially relevant when restorative experiences are offered as paid services. If a participant purchases a forest therapy session, sound bath, or meditation retreat, the transaction may introduce expectations of benefit. The experience is no longer simply an activity undertaken because of personal interest. It becomes a service for which an outcome, or at least an opportunity for improvement, may be anticipated. Such expectations do not invalidate the experience. They are part of its social and psychological context. However, they should encourage practitioners to distinguish between what they can reasonably provide and what participants may or may not experience.

A professional can prepare an appropriate setting, offer activities, facilitate a process, and respond responsibly to participants’ needs. The professional cannot guarantee happiness, emotional relief, psychological transformation, or a particular interpretation of the experience.

3.4. The Professionalisation and Commercialisation of Familiar Experiences

The formal organisation of wellness practices has created new professional fields, educational programmes, certifications, services, and commercial opportunities. Professionalisation can provide important benefits. Training may support more consistent practice, greater awareness of physical and emotional risks, clearer communication, appropriate referral procedures, and stronger ethical standards. Within forest-based activities, professional education may also contribute to environmental responsibility, inclusive facilitation, and the development of skills required to accommodate different participants. Consequently, it would be inappropriate to argue that professionalisation merely repackages ordinary experiences without adding value.

The more difficult question is what type of value is being introduced. A professional service may provide expertise in the design and facilitation of an experience without necessarily possessing exclusive authority over the underlying activity or its potential benefits. For example, a trained music therapist may provide specialised clinical interventions that differ substantially from ordinary music listening. A qualified professional facilitating a nonclinical sound-based relaxation session may contribute organisation, experience, and a supportive setting, although this does not automatically establish clinical expertise or the effectiveness of all associated claims.

Similarly, a Shinrin-Yoku guide may contribute professional preparation, attention to participant needs, site assessment, structured invitations, and ethical facilitation. These contributions may be meaningful, but they should not be conflated with ownership of the forest’s restorative qualities or the participant’s personal processes. Commercialisation introduces an additional dimension because the activity becomes associated with an exchange of services, financial value, and consumer expectations.

The tourism sector provides a relevant example. Farkic et al. (2021) examined forest bathing as a mindful tourism practice, highlighting its potential to support immersive experiences extending beyond conventional recreational tourism. The incorporation of Shinrin-Yoku into wellness tourism can create opportunities for environmental education, local economic activity, professional guiding, and meaningful visitor experiences. At the same time, the development of commercial services invites questions concerning how therapeutic terminology is used to communicate value.

A forest may be publicly accessible, yet a guided session in the same environment may be marketed as a specialised therapeutic experience. The participant is not necessarily purchasing access to the forest itself but to a particular form of organisation and facilitation. The distinction matters because the presence of a professional service may be interpreted as evidence that the experience possesses qualities unavailable through ordinary contact with nature. Such an interpretation should not be assumed without empirical support. A professionally guided forest session may offer opportunities that an unguided visit does not, particularly for individuals who benefit from structured support, group participation, or assistance with unfamiliar environments. However, independent nature engagement may also support meaningful experiences and aspects of well-being.

In my previous discussion of modalities of forest engagement (Guziak, 2026), I proposed that spending time in forests should be understood across overlapping forms of engagement rather than reduced to a single intervention model. Ordinary contact, intentional personal practice, professional guidance, and nature-based interventions may differ in structure and purpose without necessarily forming a hierarchy of therapeutic value. This perspective has implications for professional identity. The value of a guide need not be established by claiming that participants cannot experience nature meaningfully without professional assistance. It may instead be grounded in the guide’s capacity to support access, confidence, attention, inclusion, and experiences that participants might otherwise find difficult to organise independently.

The distinction becomes particularly important when considering the long-term relationship between a participant and the natural environment. If professional guidance introduces a person to meaningful forms of nature contact, one possible outcome is that the person subsequently feels more confident returning independently. From a commercial perspective, continued participation in paid sessions may be desirable for sustaining a business. From an educational or nature-connectedness perspective, however, increasing participant autonomy may also represent a meaningful achievement. These objectives need not be mutually exclusive, but their coexistence should be acknowledged.

Professional practice can support both occasional guided experiences and enduring independent engagement. The ethical challenge lies in avoiding the implication that professionally organised experiences are inherently superior to ordinary encounters with the natural world.

3.5. When Everyday Life Becomes a Health Intervention

Another important development concerns the incorporation of ordinary activities into healthcare-related programmes through mechanisms such as social prescribing. Green social prescribing provides a particularly relevant example. NHS England (n.d.) describes it as an approach through which individuals may be supported to participate in nature-based activities to improve mental and physical health. These activities can include walking groups, community gardening, conservation volunteering, outdoor exercise, and other forms of engagement with green or blue environments. The underlying activities are familiar. People have walked, gardened, and participated in community life independently of healthcare systems.

However, when these activities are included within social prescribing, their institutional context changes. Participation may be supported through referral pathways, community organisations, professional coordination, and health-related objectives. This transformation demonstrates that an activity may become part of a healthcare-related intervention without necessarily changing its basic form. It also illustrates potential benefits of formal organisation. Individuals who experience loneliness, limited confidence, social exclusion, or practical barriers to participation may find it difficult to access activities independently. Professional coordination may help connect them with community resources and provide support that makes participation possible. In such circumstances, the value of the intervention may arise not only from the activity itself but also from improved accessibility, social support, and continuity of engagement.

Nevertheless, the health-related framing of ordinary community activities raises conceptual questions. Does participation in a walking group become therapy because it is recommended by a healthcare professional? Is community gardening fundamentally altered when it becomes part of a social prescribing programme? Or does the activity retain multiple identities depending on how it is organised, experienced, and interpreted? These questions do not require a single universal answer. They demonstrate that the therapeutic designation of an activity may depend partly on its institutional and professional context rather than exclusively on its intrinsic characteristics.

The same forest walk may be recreational for one participant, a personally meaningful contemplative practice for another, and part of a professionally coordinated health intervention for a third. The physical activity and environmental exposure may overlap considerably, while the purposes, expectations, and responsibilities differ. This complexity has important implications for research. When an organised activity is associated with improved well-being, researchers should consider whether the observed benefits arise from environmental exposure, the activity itself, participant motivation, social participation, professional support, or interactions among these elements. Without appropriate comparisons, attributing the outcome to one particular component may be unjustified.

3.6. The Importance of Preserving Ordinary Nature Contact

Within environmental psychology and public health, research has increasingly investigated the relationship between recreational nature contact and well-being. White et al. (2019), analysing data from 19,806 participants in England, reported that spending at least 120 minutes per week in natural environments was associated with a greater likelihood of reporting good health and high well-being. The study concerned recreational contact rather than a single professionally defined therapy programme, and its observational design did not establish causality. Nevertheless, it illustrates that relationships between nature exposure and health can be examined within ordinary patterns of everyday life. Bratman et al. (2019) similarly examined nature experience and mental health from an ecosystem-service perspective, emphasising the importance of understanding the pathways through which natural environments may contribute to psychological functioning. These perspectives support the investigation of nature contact beyond specialised therapeutic services.

Importantly, access to natural environments is not equally available to everyone. Opportunities for engagement depend on geographical location, mobility, financial resources, time, safety, public infrastructure, cultural circumstances, and the condition of local environments. The expansion of nature-based therapeutic services should therefore be considered alongside broader questions concerning access to ordinary green spaces. If the capacity to experience nature becomes increasingly associated with organised, paid, or professionally delivered activities, there is a risk that the value of freely accessible nature contact may receive insufficient recognition.

This concern is not an argument against paid guiding. Rather, it suggests that the development of professional forest therapy should coexist with efforts to preserve and support opportunities for independent nature engagement. A public park, a familiar tree, a garden, or a nearby forest path may provide meaningful opportunities for connection without requiring participation in a formal programme. The distinction is especially important when considering the relationship between nature contact and nature connectedness.

Lumber et al. (2017) identified contact, emotion, meaning, beauty, and compassion as relevant pathways through which individuals may develop stronger relationships with nature. Their findings suggest that meaningful engagement involves more than exposure alone and may include emotional and relational dimensions. These pathways can inform guided interventions, but they are not necessarily restricted to professional settings. An individual may encounter beauty while watching sunlight move through leaves, develop emotional attachment to a familiar place, or experience compassion toward living organisms without following a prescribed sequence of invitations. Professional guidance may facilitate attention toward such possibilities, but it does not create the human capacity to perceive beauty, experience emotion, or form relationships with the natural world.

This distinction has consequences for how forest therapy is presented. Rather than suggesting that professional facilitation transforms an otherwise ordinary environment into a therapeutic one, it may be more accurate to acknowledge that the environment already offers possibilities for meaningful engagement while guidance introduces particular forms of structure and support. Such an understanding recognises the contribution of guides without diminishing the autonomy of participants or the potential value of unguided experiences.

3.7. Beyond the Obligation to Improve

The increasing therapeutic interpretation of everyday activities ultimately raises a philosophical question concerning the relationship between well-being and ordinary human existence. Must an activity contribute to measurable improvement in order to be worthwhile? The scientific study of health and well-being necessarily involves identifying outcomes, investigating mechanisms, and evaluating interventions. These processes are essential when assessing clinical treatments and determining how resources should be allocated. However, the logic of therapeutic effectiveness may become limiting when applied indiscriminately to everyday experience.

Human beings do not engage in every activity because they wish to optimise psychological functioning. We may listen to music because we enjoy a particular melody. We may dance because movement feels natural. We may write because thoughts seek expression. We may garden because we wish to grow something. We may spend time with another person because their presence matters to us. Similarly, we may enter a forest because we enjoy the smell of the earth, the movement of leaves, the sound of birds, or the familiarity of a place we have visited many times before. Such experiences may support well-being, but their value need not depend exclusively on this possibility.

The distinction between the intrinsic value of an activity and its instrumental value for health becomes particularly important within nature-based practice. When nature contact is understood only through its therapeutic function, the environment may increasingly be valued according to what it can provide to human beings. The forest becomes a place for stress reduction, attention restoration, emotional regulation, or psychological recovery. These functions may be scientifically relevant and personally meaningful. Yet forests also exist as living ecological systems with histories, relationships, and processes that extend beyond human health.

An individual may develop a relationship with a forest through curiosity, familiarity, ecological knowledge, cultural meaning, or repeated encounters rather than through an explicit intention to improve well-being. Over time, the forest may become part of everyday life rather than a place visited primarily to obtain a particular psychological benefit. This possibility invites us to reconsider what professional forest therapy should seek to support.

If guidance is intended to deepen participants’ relationships with natural environments, its contribution may extend beyond immediate improvements in mood or stress-related indicators. A participant may leave a guided session with greater curiosity about local trees, a desire to spend time outdoors independently, or a new appreciation for a previously overlooked place. Such outcomes may have personal and ecological significance even when they do not constitute clinical improvements.

At the same time, the absence of a measurable therapeutic effect should not automatically imply that the experience was without value. The evaluation of professionally delivered services must remain transparent about their stated objectives, but this need not eliminate recognition of experiences whose meaning extends beyond those objectives. The challenge is to maintain scientific precision without reducing ordinary human life to a continuous programme of self-improvement.

3.8. Implications for the filed of Shinrin-Yoku/Forest Bathing/Forest Therapy

The expansion of therapy into everyday well-being provides an important context for understanding the contemporary development of Shinrin-Yoku, forest bathing, and forest therapy. Like music, movement, writing, and other familiar human activities, spending time in a forest can be undertaken for numerous reasons. It may be recreational, contemplative, social, educational, culturally meaningful, or intentionally directed toward health-related objectives. The incorporation of forest engagement into professional therapeutic and wellness frameworks introduces additional possibilities for organisation, research, education, and accessibility. However, these developments do not establish that the underlying human–forest encounter becomes meaningful only when it is formally facilitated.

The distinction has implications for scientific communication. Evidence concerning the psychological or physiological effects of forest exposure should not automatically be interpreted as evidence for the effectiveness of every commercially available forest therapy service. Similarly, the existence of guided programmes should not imply that individuals require professional instruction to experience restoration or develop nature connectedness. At the same time, professional services may have legitimate value in their capacity to accommodate participants’ needs, introduce unfamiliar practices, create opportunities for social participation, and support safe engagement.

The question is therefore not whether forest therapy should exist as a professional field. Rather, it concerns how that field understands and communicates its contribution within the broader context of everyday relationships with nature. A responsible approach would distinguish between the potential benefits of forest environments, the experiential significance of nature contact, the intentional organisation of guided sessions, and the provision of clinical interventions by appropriately qualified professionals. It would also recognise that these forms of engagement may coexist without requiring one to be considered inherently superior.

From this perspective, therapeutic terminology becomes useful when it accurately communicates an intervention’s purpose and professional context. It becomes potentially misleading when it implies that an ordinary experience possesses no therapeutic value until it has been professionally organised. The broader expansion of wellness practices should therefore encourage greater conceptual clarity rather than an unrestricted application of therapeutic language. Professionalisation can contribute expertise, ethical responsibility, and accessibility. Scientific research can identify potential benefits and limitations. Commercial services can create opportunities for guided participation. Yet none of these developments should require us to reinterpret every meaningful human activity as a therapeutic intervention.

An experience may contribute to well-being without having been undertaken for the purpose of improving well-being. This distinction may be particularly important for Shinrin-Yoku, whose contemporary development exists at the intersection of Japanese cultural history, environmental engagement, health promotion, scientific research, professional guiding, and wellness tourism. Recognising the therapeutic potential of forest encounters does not require us to redefine all forest experiences as therapy. Nor does acknowledging that ordinary nature contact can be beneficial diminish the legitimate contribution of professional guidance. Instead, these perspectives invite the field to examine more carefully what professional organisation introduces, which effects can reasonably be attributed to particular intervention components, and how therapeutic claims influence participants’ expectations and relationships with nature.

The increasing use of therapy-related terminology within everyday life may reflect a genuine desire to understand and support human well-being. However, it may also reveal a tendency to assign health-related objectives to experiences whose meaning has traditionally extended beyond treatment, prevention, or self-improvement. This tension remains unresolved and deserves continued scientific, philosophical, and ethical examination. Perhaps the fundamental question is not whether music, writing, movement, gardening, or spending time in a forest can be therapeutic. Research and lived experience suggest that such activities may contribute to well-being under various circumstances. The more difficult question is whether recognising their therapeutic potential requires us to classify, organise, and professionalise them as therapy.

A person may enter a forest seeking relief from stress. Another may enter because they wish to understand the natural world more deeply or in their own way. A third may have no particular intention beyond spending an afternoon outdoors. Each may experience something meaningful, although not necessarily in the same way or to the same degree. There is no reason to assume that the person who enters with an explicit therapeutic objective possesses a more meaningful relationship with the forest than the person who enters without one. Nor should the presence of a guide automatically determine the therapeutic significance of the encounter.

The value of an experience may reside partly in its openness to possibilities that neither the participant nor the professional has anticipated. A forest walk does not need to produce relaxation to be worth taking. A moment of stillness does not need to improve attention to be meaningful. An encounter with nature does not need to generate measurable health benefits to deserve a place in human life.

Perhaps not everything that makes us feel better needs to become therapy. And perhaps some of the most meaningful encounters with the natural world occur precisely when we are not attempting to turn them into interventions. A person may enter the forest simply because they enjoy being there. Is that not sufficient?

References

American Music Therapy Association. (n.d.). What is music therapy? https://www.musictherapy.org/about/musictherapy/

Bratman, G. N., Anderson, C. B., Berman, M. G., Cochran, B., de Vries, S., Flanders, J., Folke, C., Frumkin, H., Gross, J. J., Hartig, T., Kahn, P. H., Jr., Kuo, M., Lawler, J. J., Levin, P. S., Lindahl, T., Meyer-Lindenberg, A., Mitchell, R., Ouyang, Z., Roe, J., Scarlett, L., Smith, J. R., van den Bosch, M., Wheeler, B. W., White, M. P., Zheng, H., & Daily, G. C. (2019). Nature and mental health: An ecosystem service perspective. Science Advances, 5(7), Article eaax0903. https://doi.org/10.1126/sciadv.aax0903

Cai, Y., Yang, G., Liu, Y., Zou, X., Yin, H., Jin, X., Liu, X., Wang, C., Robinson, N., & Liu, J. (2025). Therapeutic effects of singing bowls: A systematic review of clinical studies. Integrative Medicine Research, 14(2), Article 101144. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.imr.2025.101144

Conrad, P. (2007). The medicalization of society: On the transformation of human conditions into treatable disorders. Johns Hopkins University Press.

Crawford, R. (1980). Healthism and the medicalization of everyday life. International Journal of Health Services, 10(3), 365–388. https://doi.org/10.2190/3H2H-3XJN-3KAY-G9NY

Fancourt, D., & Finn, S. (2019). What is the evidence on the role of the arts in improving health and well-being? A scoping review (Health Evidence Network synthesis report No. 67). WHO Regional Office for Europe. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK553773/

Farkic, J., Isailovic, G., & Taylor, S. (2021). Forest bathing as a mindful tourism practice. Annals of Tourism Research Empirical Insights, 2(2), Article 100028. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.annale.2021.100028

Gesler, W. M. (1992). Therapeutic landscapes: Medical issues in light of the new cultural geography. Social Science & Medicine, 34(7), 735–746. https://doi.org/10.1016/0277-9536(92)90360-3

Goldsby, T. L., Goldsby, M. E., McWalters, M., & Mills, P. J. (2017). Effects of singing bowl sound meditation on mood, tension, and well-being: An observational study. Journal of Evidence-Based Complementary & Alternative Medicine, 22(3), 401–406. https://doi.org/10.1177/2156587216668109

Guziak, M. A. (2026). Spending time in the forest: Modalities of engagement, connection, and care. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI3202602-EN-2

Lumber, R., Richardson, M., & Sheffield, D. (2017). Beyond knowing nature: Contact, emotion, compassion, meaning, and beauty are pathways to nature connection. PLOS ONE, 12(5), Article e0177186. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0177186

National Cancer Institute. (n.d.). Aromatherapy with essential oils (PDQ®)—Patient version. https://www.cancer.gov/about-cancer/treatment/cam/patient/aromatherapy-pdq

National Center for Complementary and Integrative Health. (n.d.). Aromatherapy. https://www.nccih.nih.gov/health/aromatherapy

NHS England. (n.d.). Green social prescribing. https://www.england.nhs.uk/personalisedcare/social-prescribing/green-social-prescribing/

Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2001). On happiness and human potentials: A review of research on hedonic and eudaimonic well-being. Annual Review of Psychology, 52, 141–166. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.psych.52.1.141

White, M. P., Alcock, I., Grellier, J., Wheeler, B. W., Hartig, T., Warber, S. L., Bone, A., Depledge, M. H., & Fleming, L. E. (2019). Spending at least 120 minutes a week in nature is associated with good health and wellbeing. Scientific Reports, 9, Article 7730. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-019-44097-

Section 4.19 · Final conceptual clarification

When Names Become
Distinctions

Shinrin-Yoku, forest bathing and forest therapy are often presented as separate practices. But does a different name necessarily indicate a different experience?

A historical and conceptual reflection on Japanese terminology, international adaptation, professional identities and the shared foundation of human–forest engagement.

Shinrin-Yoku Forest Bathing Forest Therapy Conceptual Continuity
The distinction between names does not necessarily establish a distinction between experiences.
01 · From Japan to the world

The evolution of terminology

The movement from Shinrin-Yoku to forest therapy involved different scientific and institutional developments, not simply the invention of an entirely new human activity.

1982 · PUBLIC CONCEPT

Shinrin-Yoku

Forest bathing was promoted in Japan as an accessible form of immersion in the forest atmosphere.

Emphasis: experiencing the forest directly.

1999 · BROADER APPLICATION

Shinrin Ryōhō

Iwao Uehara proposed forest therapy as a broad framework involving health, welfare, rehabilitation and related activities.

Emphasis: applying forest environments in supportive settings.

EARLY 2000s · SCIENTIFIC ORGANISATION

Shinrin Serapī

Forest therapy developed through research, scientific assessment, designated locations and institutional programmes.

Emphasis: evidence-informed forest-based health promotion.

These developments overlap. The Japanese Forest Therapy Society describes its approach as scientifically supported forest bathing, indicating continuity rather than a complete replacement of Shinrin-Yoku.

02 · International interpretation

Why did the separation emerge?

As Japanese terminology entered different countries, organisations adapted it to local professional, educational and health-related contexts.

Open the panels to explore possible reasons behind these distinctions.

Translation and cultural interpretation

Different Japanese expressions may be translated using the same English term, while new meanings may be attached to expressions such as forest bathing and forest therapy.

Translation can simplify historical distinctions or introduce new ones.

Professional education and qualifications

Training organisations may establish categories to describe different qualifications, competencies, educational requirements and professional roles.

Such distinctions can clarify responsibilities, but do not independently demonstrate different therapeutic mechanisms.

Healthcare, ethics and scope of practice

The word therapy can imply treatment or clinical intervention in some countries. Organisations may distinguish general well-being activities from programmes with specific therapeutic objectives.

Professional titles should therefore be explained in relation to actual qualifications and responsibilities.

Institutional identity and commercial services

Certification systems, professional associations and service providers may develop terminology to communicate their programmes and define particular professional identities.

These processes may reinforce distinctions, although their precise influence requires investigation.

Example · Poland

Kąpiele leśne and terapia leśna

In Poland, the Polish Society of Forest Bathing and Forest Therapy distinguishes forest bathing as an accessible sensory practice from forest therapy as a more professionally structured, health-oriented approach.

The distinction supports clearer public communication, professional standards and expectations about facilitation. However, it should not automatically be interpreted as proof that the experiences involve entirely separate mechanisms.

Reference: Polish Society — Definitions

03 · The central question

Three guided sessions.
Three names. One experience?

Consider three programmes involving similar environments, participants, activities and professional facilitation.

Select each example to examine what the name tells us—and what it does not.

EXPERIENCE 01 Guided Shinrin-Yoku Japanese terminology

A guide facilitates forest immersion through slow walking, sensory awareness, invitations and reflection.

The expression identifies an organised experience drawing on Shinrin-Yoku. It does not prescribe one universally standardised protocol.

The experience may include professional guidance.
EXPERIENCE 02 Guided Forest Bathing English-language terminology

A guide facilitates comparable forest immersion through slow walking, sensory invitations and opportunities for reflection.

Forest bathing is the common English translation of Shinrin-Yoku. Adding the word guided identifies the presence of facilitation.

The experience may be equivalent to guided Shinrin-Yoku.
EXPERIENCE 03 Guided Forest Therapy Health-oriented or professional terminology

A guide may facilitate similar sensory engagement, activities, reflection and social processes, sometimes within a more explicitly health-oriented programme.

Where the actual intervention is equivalent, the different name does not establish a different physiological or psychological mechanism.

Programme objectives and professional responsibilities still matter.
Shared experiential foundation

Human engagement with the forest

Under comparable conditions, these three differently named guided experiences may involve the same environmental exposure, sensory processes, activities and forms of reflection.

Forest atmosphere Sensory experience Attention Guidance Reflection Personal meaning
04 · Interpretative position

Continuity does not mean uniformity

Conceptual continuity

Different terms may describe equivalent practices.

If guided Shinrin-Yoku, guided forest bathing and guided forest therapy involve equivalent activities and forms of facilitation, their different names do not inherently make them different interventions.

Contextual differentiation

The same term may describe different practices.

Programmes may differ in their objectives, participant populations, protocols, professional qualifications and clinical responsibilities—even when they share the name forest therapy.

A meaningful comparison therefore requires examining what participants actually do, the conditions under which they participate, and what outcomes are investigated—not relying on the terminology alone.

Section 4.19 · Final reflection

When does a name become a boundary?

The history of Shinrin-Yoku reveals a process of scientific, linguistic, institutional and professional development. These changes can reshape how forest experiences are organised and understood, without necessarily replacing the underlying human–forest encounter.

“The terminology may evolve, but the experience does not necessarily become a different experience simply because we give it a different name.”

A question to carry into the next section:

Are we separating Shinrin-Yoku, forest bathing and forest therapy because their underlying experiences are different, or because our scientific, cultural and professional frameworks have developed different ways of describing them?

Conceptual interpretation based on Milena A. Guziak's research and Section 4.19 of When Does Nature Become Therapy? See: From Shinrin-Yoku (Forest Bathing) to Forest Therapy .

4. From Shinrin-Yoku to Forest Therapy: The Evolution of a Japanese Concept

4.1. Introduction: When an Experience Acquires Different Names

The historical development of Shinrin-Yoku provides a particularly revealing example of how an existing human activity can acquire new meanings through language, scientific investigation, public policy, institutional development, and professional practice. The contemporary expressions Shinrin-Yoku, forest bathing, and forest therapy are frequently used to describe closely related forms of human engagement with forest environments. Nevertheless, their historical development in Japan reveals differences in conceptual emphasis, disciplinary orientation, and institutional purpose. Understanding these distinctions is important not merely for reconstructing the history of a Japanese health-related practice, but also for examining the central question of this article: when does an ordinary human experience become recognised, organised, and communicated as therapy?

In my previous article, From Shinrin-Yoku (Forest Bathing) to Forest Therapy: The Evolution of a Japanese Health Concept (Guziak, 2025), I examined how the contemporary understanding of Shinrin-Yoku emerged through interactions among Japanese forest policy, earlier scientific investigations of plant-derived substances, physiological research, and the development of organised approaches to forest-based health promotion. This historical perspective challenges the assumption that contemporary forest therapy originated from one identifiable scientific discovery or developed through a straightforward progression from recreational activity to clinically established treatment. Rather, its evolution involved several partially overlapping trajectories, each contributing different ways of understanding the relationship between forests and human well-being.

An important distinction must be established from the beginning. The evolution of terminology does not necessarily indicate the evolution of the underlying human experience. People entered forests, encountered their atmosphere, perceived their sounds and vegetation, and developed meaningful relationships with natural environments long before the introduction of Shinrin-Yoku in 1982. Similarly, the subsequent introduction of expressions such as shinrin ryōhō (森林療法), shinrin serapī (森林セラピー), and shinrin igaku (森林医学) did not create new biological processes within forest ecosystems. These developments introduced new conceptual, scientific, and institutional frameworks through which existing forms of human–forest interaction could be investigated, organised, and communicated.

The distinction becomes particularly important when considering whether Shinrin-Yoku, forest bathing, and forest therapy should be understood as fundamentally different practices. From a historical and institutional perspective, distinctions clearly exist. From an experiential and environmental perspective, however, they may involve substantially the same activity: a person entering a forest, encountering its conditions, and responding physically, psychologically, emotionally, and sometimes socially to the surrounding environment.

The argument developed in this section is therefore not that all forest-based interventions are identical, nor that professional guidance has no value. Rather, it is that different names do not necessarily indicate different underlying experiences, and the existence of professional or institutional structures does not, by itself, establish the presence of a distinct therapeutic mechanism.

4.2. Cultural Relationships with Forests Before Shinrin-Yoku

It would be historically misleading to suggest that Japanese people began experiencing forests in a meaningful or restorative manner only after 1982. Forest environments have long been associated with livelihoods, religious traditions, local communities, aesthetic appreciation, seasonal awareness, and cultural relationships with place. These relationships existed independently of modern health promotion programmes and cannot be adequately understood through contemporary therapeutic terminology alone.

Within Japanese cultural history, forests have occupied an important position in Shinto traditions, Buddhist practices, landscape aesthetics, and various forms of human–nature interaction. In a related study, Chinju no Mori: The Transformation of Sacred Forests into Sustainable and Healing Communities, Guziak and Hiroi (2025) examined the cultural and ecological significance of chinju no mori (鎮守の森), sacred groves traditionally associated with Shinto shrines. Such forests have historically served as places of spiritual significance, ecological continuity, community identity, and relationships between people and their surrounding landscapes.

Nevertheless, the historical relationship between sacred forests and modern Shinrin-Yoku requires careful interpretation. The existence of older Japanese traditions involving forests does not establish a direct institutional or methodological lineage from Shinto practices to the Japanese Forestry Agency’s initiative in 1982. Nor should Shinrin-Yoku be presented as an ancient, standardised Japanese therapeutic method merely because forests have held cultural significance for centuries. These traditions instead provide a wider cultural context within which contemporary forest engagement can be considered.

This historical perspective also illustrates that forests have long possessed meanings extending beyond their potential contribution to individual health. A forest may be valued because of its ecological characteristics, spiritual significance, relationship with a local community, historical associations, or memories developed through repeated visits. These meanings may coexist with restorative experiences, but they cannot be reduced to them.

The distinction is important because the introduction of therapeutic terminology may influence which dimensions of forest engagement receive the greatest attention. When a forest is described primarily as a therapeutic environment, its value may increasingly be communicated through measurable psychological and physiological outcomes. Although such investigation can contribute valuable knowledge, it should not obscure the cultural, ecological, social, and personal meanings that human relationships with forests may already possess.

The historical starting point is therefore straightforward: the expression Shinrin-Yoku was introduced in 1982, but the human experience of immersion in forests was not invented in 1982.

4.3. The Introduction of Shinrin-Yoku in 1982: Naming an Existing Experience

The term Shinrin-Yoku (森林浴), commonly translated into English as forest bathing, was introduced by the Japanese Forestry Agency in 1982 and is associated with Tomohide Akiyama, the Agency’s Director-General at that time. The expression combines shinrin (森林), meaning forest, and yoku (浴), referring to bathing or immersion. Its linguistic construction draws upon familiar Japanese expressions such as kaisui-yoku (海水浴), sea bathing, nikkō-yoku (日光浴), sunbathing, and onsen-yoku (温泉浴), hot-spring bathing. These expressions refer to ways of experiencing particular environments or environmental conditions rather than necessarily describing formal therapeutic procedures.

The original public-oriented initiative encouraged people to become familiar with forests, spend time in them, and experience their atmosphere through the senses. The Japanese Forestry Agency continues to describe Shinrin-Yoku as an accessible form of engagement with forest environments, emphasising relaxation, sensory experience, and familiarity with forests. Its original meaning therefore did not require participants to follow a prescribed sequence of activities, undertake specific mindfulness exercises, or engage the services of a professionally trained guide.

The initiative emerged in the context of Japan’s ongoing urbanisation, industrial development, and changing patterns of work and everyday life. Forests were increasingly recognised not only as economically valuable resources but also as environments offering recreation, public welfare, and opportunities for respite from urban settings. The promotion of Shinrin-Yoku therefore represented an important development in public communication: it encouraged people to recognise the value of forests through direct experience.

The first national forest bathing event was held in 1982 at Akasawa Natural Recreation Forest in Agematsu, Nagano Prefecture. Akasawa subsequently became one of the historically significant locations associated with Shinrin-Yoku, illustrating the original connection between forest access, public recreation, and the promotion of natural environments. This historical development preceded the establishment of later certification systems for forest therapy locations and professional guides.

The significance of 1982 therefore lies primarily in the public recognition and promotion of an experience rather than the discovery of an entirely new activity. By providing a recognisable name, the Forestry Agency helped bring public attention to an existing relationship between people and forests. The expression made the activity easier to describe, communicate, and promote, but it did not establish that people could experience the forest atmosphere only through a specially organised programme.

4.4. Historical Timeline: How Forest Bathing Became Associated with Forest Therapy

The development of contemporary forest-based health practices is sometimes presented as a sequence in which Shinrin-Yoku gradually became forest therapy and was subsequently recognised as forest medicine. Although this narrative is convenient, it can be misleading because several developments occurred in parallel and originated from different professional and scientific interests.

Table 4.1 summarises the principal historical milestones, indicating what changed and why each development became important.

Table 4.1. Historical development of Shinrin-Yoku, forest therapy, and forest medicine in Japan

Period / Year

Historical development

Main contribution

What actually changed?

Before 20th century

Long-established Japanese relationships with forests, including cultural, spiritual, recreational, and community practices

Cultural and ecological context

Forest experiences already existed without modern therapeutic terminology.

Late 1920s–1930s

Boris P. Tokin’s investigations into plant-derived antimicrobial substances and the concept of phytoncides

Scientific investigation

Plant emissions became a subject of biological research, before modern Shinrin-Yoku terminology.

1980

Japanese publication of Tokin and Kamiyama’s work on phytoncides

Scientific knowledge exchange

Interest in biologically active plant substances was communicated to Japanese readers.

1982

Introduction of Shinrin-Yoku (森林浴) by the Japanese Forestry Agency

Public awareness and recreation

An existing form of forest engagement received a recognisable public identity.

1982

First national forest bathing event at Akasawa Natural Recreation Forest

Public participation

Forest experiences were actively promoted through organised public events.

1988–1990

Yoshifumi Miyazaki’s early investigations of physiological responses to natural environments, including research at Yakushima in 1990

Environmental physiology

Selected responses to forest exposure began to be systematically measured.

1999

Iwao Uehara formally proposed shinrin ryōhō (森林療法)

Health promotion, rehabilitation, and welfare

Forest environments were conceptualised as settings for broader health- and welfare-related applications.

2002–2003

Expansion of forest therapy discussions and research initiatives in Japan

Institutional and applied development

Greater attention was directed toward systematic applications of forest environments.

Early 2000s

Development and use of shinrin serapī (森林セラピー), including scientific approaches promoted by Miyazaki and other researchers

Scientific and institutional differentiation

Forest therapy increasingly became associated with evidence-informed health promotion.

2004

Establishment of the Forest Therapy Research Group

Research coordination

Forest-related health research became more formally coordinated across institutions.

2005

Development of the Comprehensive Forest Therapy Project and related certification initiatives

Implementation and institutional recognition

Programmes were established for assessing and promoting particular forest environments.

2006

First certification of six Forest Therapy Bases and four Forest Therapy Roads

Site certification

Selected forest environments received formal institutional recognition.

2008

Establishment of the nonprofit Forest Therapy Society from the earlier research organisation

Professional and organisational development

Certification, public communication, and support for organised activities were consolidated.

Late 2000s onward

Expansion of qualifications for Forest Therapy Guides and Forest Therapists

Professionalisation

Trained facilitators became part of organised forest-based health services.

2000s–2010s

Expansion of shinrin igaku (森林医学), or forest medicine, including research by Qing Li and colleagues

Biomedical investigation

Forest exposure was studied through physiological, psychological, and immunological approaches.

2010 onward

Larger field studies, systematic reviews, and international research

Scientific development

Evidence and methodological discussion expanded, while uncertainties remained.

Contemporary period

International growth of Shinrin-Yoku, forest bathing, forest therapy, professional training, and nature-based interventions

Global adaptation

Similar experiences acquired different names, procedures, and professional meanings across contexts.

Note. The dates identify major documented milestones rather than the first possible occurrence of every expression or activity. The developments were overlapping rather than a single linear sequence. In particular, shinrin ryōhō and shinrin serapī represent historically distinguishable approaches, not merely an earlier and later name for one organisation.

The timeline reveals that the development of forest therapy involved changes at several levels. The original human experience of entering forests did not need to be invented. What developed over time were new forms of public communication, scientific measurement, professional interpretation, institutional recognition, and practical organisation.

This observation challenges the assumption that the evolution from Shinrin-Yoku to forest therapy represents a straightforward increase in therapeutic effectiveness. The historical record demonstrates an expansion in scientific investigation and professional organisation, but it does not by itself establish that an experience described as forest therapy produces greater benefits than a comparable experience described as forest bathing.

4.5. Understanding the Terminology: Different Names, Overlapping Experiences

The Japanese history becomes particularly interesting when examined through the terms themselves. Expressions that appear similar in English may represent different historical initiatives in Japanese, while expressions with different names may describe similar activities in practice.

The distinction is especially relevant to the relationship among Shinrin-Yoku (森林浴), shinrin ryōhō (森林療法), and shinrin serapī (森林セラピー). These expressions did not emerge simultaneously or for identical purposes. Nevertheless, they share an underlying concern with human engagement in forest environments.

Table 4.2. Comparison of Japanese forest-related terminology

Term

Japanese expression

Common English rendering

Principal emphasis

Does it inherently require a professional guide?

Shinrin-Yoku

森林浴

Forest bathing

Immersion in and sensory experience of the forest atmosphere

No

Shinrin Ryōhō

森林療法

Forest therapy

Broad health, welfare, rehabilitation, and therapeutic applications involving forests

Not universally; depends on the activity

Shinrin Serapī

森林セラピー

Forest therapy

Scientifically informed forest-based health promotion, particularly within the Japanese institutional framework

Not inherently for every forest visit; professional programmes may provide guides

Shinrin Igaku

森林医学

Forest medicine

Scientific and biomedical investigation of forest-related health processes

No; this primarily identifies a research orientation

The table illustrates that the expressions differ most clearly in their conceptual and institutional emphasis, rather than necessarily identifying separate environmental experiences.

Shinrin-Yoku is primarily concerned with the experience of immersion in the forest atmosphere. Shinrin ryōhō introduces the broader possibility of applying forest environments within health, welfare, rehabilitation, counselling, and related activities. Shinrin serapī became associated with the scientific investigation and institutional organisation of forest-based health promotion, including designated locations and professional programmes. Shinrin igaku refers to a research orientation concerned with the physiological, psychological, and biomedical dimensions of forest exposure.

An important complication arises through translation. Both 森林療法 and 森林セラピー are commonly rendered in English as forest therapy, even though they developed within distinguishable historical and institutional contexts. This means that an English-language reader may encounter one term referring to multiple traditions, approaches, and purposes. Conversely, similar forest-based experiences may be described under different English expressions depending on the organisation, country, or professional background involved.

The Japanese National Diet Library’s terminology records also illustrate this overlap by listing shinrin serapī as a variant associated with shinrin ryōhō, while identifying shinrin-yoku as a related term. Such classifications are useful for retrieving and organising knowledge but do not eliminate the historical differences between the expressions.

The conceptual challenge is therefore to avoid confusing linguistic distinctions with distinctions in the underlying activity. Two people may engage in almost identical forms of forest exposure while describing their activities differently, just as two activities described as forest therapy may differ substantially in their organisation, intended outcomes, and professional responsibilities.

4.6. The Scientific Background: Phytoncides and Forest Environments

An important aspect of the historical development discussed in my previous work concerns the relationship between forest environments, plant-derived substances, and human physiology (Guziak, 2025). The scientific investigation of biologically active substances released by plants predates the introduction of Shinrin-Yoku in Japan and contributed to wider discussions concerning the potential significance of forest air.

The Soviet biologist Boris Petrovich Tokin played an important role in the development of the concept of phytoncides, a term associated with biologically active substances produced by plants that may inhibit or influence other organisms. During the early decades of the twentieth century, Tokin investigated antimicrobial effects associated with plant materials and their emissions, contributing to the scientific investigation of interactions between plants and microorganisms.

An important historical connection between Soviet research and Japanese scientific discourse can be identified through the publication of Shokubutsu no Fushigi na Chikara: Fitonchiddo (植物の不思議な力=フィトンチッド), co-authored by Tokin and Keizō Kamiyama and published by Kodansha in Japan in 1980. The title may be translated as The Mysterious Power of Plants: Phytoncides, with a subtitle referring to the investigation of antimicrobial properties associated with trees. Its publication demonstrates that discussions concerning biologically active plant substances were circulating in Japan shortly before the promotion of Shinrin-Yoku in 1982.

Nevertheless, the existence of this scientific exchange should not be interpreted as proof that Tokin’s research directly caused the Forestry Agency to introduce Shinrin-Yoku. Establishing such a causal historical relationship would require additional documentary evidence concerning the decisions of those involved in developing the initiative. Tokin’s work is therefore more appropriately understood as part of the wider scientific background than as the sole origin of Japanese forest bathing.

A further distinction concerns the meaning of phytoncides in contemporary forest research. The term is frequently discussed alongside biogenic volatile organic compounds emitted by vegetation, including certain terpenes and related substances. Although the categories overlap, they should not be treated as exact scientific equivalents. The chemical composition, concentration, biological activity, and effects of particular compounds depend upon numerous environmental and experimental conditions.

The observation that some plant-derived compounds demonstrate antimicrobial activity under laboratory conditions does not establish that ordinary exposure to forest air produces equivalent antimicrobial effects within the human body. Similarly, results obtained using isolated compounds or controlled exposures cannot automatically be generalised to the complex atmospheric conditions experienced during a forest visit.

Forest environments contain multiple interacting elements, including volatile compounds, airborne particles, humidity, temperature, light, sounds, vegetation, and other ecological conditions. Human responses may also be influenced by physical movement, attention, personal expectations, psychological state, social relationships, and previous experiences.

Consequently, the scientific investigation of phytoncides represents one potentially important pathway toward understanding forest-related health outcomes, but it should not be treated as a complete explanation of Shinrin-Yoku’s effects. The tendency to describe phytoncides as an established and sufficient explanation for all reported benefits risks reducing a complex environmental experience to a single proposed biological mechanism.

4.7. From Experience to Measurement: The Development of Physiological Forest Research

A significant development in the history of Shinrin-Yoku occurred when researchers began systematically investigating human physiological responses to forest environments. This introduced methods through which aspects of an experience previously associated with relaxation, comfort, and personal restoration could be examined using measurable biological indicators.

Professor Yoshifumi Miyazaki and colleagues played an important role in this development. Miyazaki began investigating physiological responses to natural environments during the late 1980s, and research undertaken on Yakushima Island in 1990 contributed to the early scientific study of Shinrin-Yoku using physiological measurements. The investigation included the measurement of salivary cortisol, a biomarker associated with activity in the body’s stress-response systems.

The significance of this development was not that people suddenly began responding physiologically to forests in 1990. Rather, researchers developed methods for systematically investigating responses that may already have occurred during earlier experiences of forest contact. Scientific measurement introduced new forms of knowledge concerning an existing relationship between human physiology and environmental conditions.

Subsequent research examined indicators including salivary cortisol, blood pressure, heart rate, autonomic nervous system activity, and psychological state. Park et al. (2010), for example, reported findings from field experiments across 24 forest locations in Japan, observing patterns consistent with physiological relaxation under the study conditions compared with selected urban environments. Such investigations contributed to the development of environmental physiology and forest-related preventive health research.

Nevertheless, the interpretation of these findings requires several distinctions. A measurable physiological response following forest exposure does not necessarily establish that the activity constitutes clinical treatment. Similarly, evidence that forest exposure is associated with changes in stress-related indicators does not demonstrate that professional guiding is necessary for those changes to occur.

The distinction between environmental exposure and organised intervention is particularly important. A person entering a forest independently may encounter many of the environmental conditions examined in physiological research. A participant in a guided session may experience similar environmental conditions while additionally engaging in structured activities, reflective exercises, or social interactions facilitated by a guide.

These two circumstances may share several potential mechanisms while differing in others. To determine whether guidance adds a measurable contribution, research would need to compare appropriately matched experiences rather than infer the contribution of the guide from findings concerning forest exposure alone.

Scientific research therefore expanded our understanding of selected physiological responses to forest environments, but it did not establish that professionally organised forest experiences constitute the only, or necessarily the most effective, form of beneficial forest engagement.

4.8. The Introduction of Shinrin Ryōhō (森林療法) in 1999

A particularly important development occurred in 1999, when Iwao Uehara formally proposed the expression shinrin ryōhō (森林療法), generally translated as forest therapy, at a meeting of the Japanese forestry academic community held at Ehime University.

Uehara’s approach represented an important conceptual expansion beyond the general promotion of forest bathing. Rather than focusing exclusively on recreation or relaxation, it considered the possibilities for systematically using forest environments within health promotion, rehabilitation, welfare, counselling, therapeutic education, occupational activities, and other forms of human support.

His conceptualisation was broad, recognising that forests could serve as settings for multiple activities involving individuals with different needs, abilities, and circumstances. A forest environment might support walking and physical activity, rehabilitation, counselling-related work, group interaction, or opportunities for social participation. The meaning of therapy within this approach therefore extended beyond a single activity or method.

This development is historically important because it demonstrates that the emergence of forest therapy terminology in Japan was not exclusively a consequence of physiological research or later institutional certification. It also developed through practical efforts to explore how forests might be incorporated into health, welfare, education, and rehabilitation.

Within this broader framework, the forest becomes a setting in which different activities may be organised for health-related purposes. The potentially therapeutic contribution may involve the environmental conditions, the nature of the activity, the characteristics of the participant, and, where applicable, the competencies of the professional facilitating the experience.

Nevertheless, the use of the expression forest therapy does not imply that every activity undertaken within this framework constitutes psychotherapy or a clinically established treatment. Its interpretation remains dependent upon the intervention, its objectives, the population involved, and the professional context.

Uehara’s work is particularly relevant because it challenges the assumption that forest therapy emerged through one continuous progression from recreational forest bathing toward an increasingly scientifically advanced and professionally guided practice. Instead, it illustrates how forest environments became associated with wider health and welfare activities through a separate but overlapping process of conceptual development.

4.9. The Development of Shinrin Serapī (森林セラピー): Scientific Verification and Institutional Organisation

Another historically significant development occurred during the early 2000s through the increasing use of shinrin serapī (森林セラピー), an expression written using the Japanese phonetic adaptation of the English word therapy.

This terminology became closely associated with efforts to establish scientifically informed forest-based health promotion programmes. Miyazaki has described introducing the expression forest therapy in his own research context during the early 2000s to distinguish scientifically supported forest bathing from the broader activity. This history should be considered alongside Uehara’s earlier introduction of shinrin ryōhō in 1999, rather than treated as a competing account of the origin of one single concept.

In 2004, collaboration involving researchers, industry, and government-related institutions contributed to the establishment of the Forest Therapy Research Group (Shinrin Serapī Kenkyūkai). The organisation sought to investigate the physiological and psychological effects of forest environments and develop practical applications of the emerging evidence. During the same period, government-supported scientific research examined the physiological effects of forest environmental elements.

These developments helped establish an institutional framework through which particular forest environments could be studied, assessed, and promoted for health-related purposes. In 2005, the Comprehensive Forest Therapy Project contributed to further work on location certification, public communication, professional education, and regional implementation.

The distinction between shinrin ryōhō and shinrin serapī was therefore not merely a difference in vocabulary. Uehara’s broader understanding of forest therapy emphasised multiple possible applications of forest environments in health, welfare, and rehabilitation. The later institutional development of shinrin serapī placed particular emphasis on scientific verification, designated forest locations, and organised health promotion programmes.

The Forest Therapy Society describes its institutional approach as forest bathing supported by scientific evidence. This definition is particularly revealing because it does not necessarily describe an entirely separate environmental experience. Instead, it identifies a framework through which forest bathing is examined, communicated, and organised with reference to scientific findings.

The distinction becomes clearer when the institutional meaning is separated from the activity itself. Scientific investigation can provide evidence concerning selected health-related outcomes, but it does not create the environmental encounter being investigated. Professional programmes can organise how people engage with a forest, but they do not necessarily replace the underlying sensory and physiological experience with a fundamentally different one.

Accordingly, shinrin serapī may be understood as an important development in the institutional and scientific organisation of forest-based health promotion without assuming that it superseded Shinrin-Yoku as a human experience.

4.10. The Certification of Forest Therapy Bases and Trails

In 2006, Japan introduced the first certifications of designated forest therapy locations through a programme involving scientific assessment and evaluation of environmental and organisational suitability. The first certification round recognised six Forest Therapy Bases and four Forest Therapy Roads, representing an important milestone in the institutional development of forest-based health promotion.

According to the Japanese Forestry Agency’s announcement of April 18, 2006, the assessment incorporated physiological investigation alongside factors such as accessibility, accommodation infrastructure, local development plans, and suitability for organised forest-related activities. The programme therefore considered not only selected effects of forest exposure but also the practical conditions through which particular locations could support public participation and regional initiatives.

The introduction of certification marked an important institutional change. Shinrin-Yoku had originally referred broadly to the experience of spending time in forests. The certification system established an additional category of forests and trails that had undergone defined assessment procedures and received recognition within a particular organisational framework.

Such certification may provide meaningful benefits. It can support access, visitor information, safety-related infrastructure, research coordination, local tourism, and the development of health promotion activities. Designated locations may become more accessible or easier for particular populations to visit, particularly when improvements are made to pathways, facilities, and visitor support.

Nevertheless, the meaning of certification requires careful interpretation. A certified forest therapy site is a location that has satisfied particular criteria within an institutional assessment system. Certification should not be interpreted as establishing that every visit produces therapeutic outcomes for every person, nor does the absence of certification mean that another forest lacks restorative or personally meaningful qualities.

The distinction becomes clearer when we consider what actually changes when a forest receives therapeutic certification. Scientific investigation may produce new knowledge concerning selected responses to its environmental conditions. The location may undergo practical improvements involving access, facilities, or management. Professional services may be introduced, and the forest may acquire a new identity within public communication and tourism.

However, the forest’s existing biological and ecological processes are not created by its certificate. Its vegetation, atmospheric conditions, sounds, light, and other environmental characteristics existed before formal assessment, although they continue to change naturally over time.

This raises an important conceptual question: when a forest becomes certified as therapeutic, has the forest itself become therapeutic, or have the ways in which human beings investigate, organise, and communicate its potential changed?

The answer may involve several dimensions, but certification alone cannot resolve the question of therapeutic effectiveness. Institutional recognition and the experience of an individual visitor remain analytically distinct.

4.11. Professional Guides and the Organisation of Forest Experiences

The institutional development of forest therapy continued with the establishment of the nonprofit Forest Therapy Society in 2008, building upon the earlier Forest Therapy Research Group. The organisation assumed responsibilities related to public communication, professional development, certification of forest therapy locations, and the dissemination and practical application of scientific findings.

Professional roles subsequently became an increasingly recognisable part of Japanese forest therapy programmes. Within the Forest Therapy Society’s framework, distinctions are made between Forest Therapy Guides (shinrin serapī gaido) and Forest Therapists (shinrin serapisuto), with qualifications and responsibilities associated with the organisation’s training and certification system.

These developments introduced additional forms of preparation, professional education, organisation, and accountability into forest-based health services. Depending on the programme, guides may contribute knowledge concerning forest environments, participant safety, accessibility, activity adaptation, communication, and the facilitation of experiences intended to support health and well-being.

Such contributions may be meaningful for participants who benefit from reassurance, structured support, social contact, or assistance in engaging with unfamiliar environments. A professional guide may also help participants attend to aspects of the forest that they might otherwise overlook or create opportunities for reflection and interpersonal connection.

Nevertheless, the existence of professional qualifications does not establish that independent forest engagement is an incomplete form of guided forest therapy. Nor does it demonstrate that all therapeutic responses associated with forest exposure depend upon a guide’s intervention.

The question concerns the additional contribution of professional facilitation. Guidance may change the conditions of participation, direct attention toward particular experiences, introduce social processes, and influence how individuals interpret their encounter with the environment. These changes may contribute to particular outcomes, but their effects should be investigated rather than assumed.

A further distinction concerns the professional meaning of the term therapist. Within Japanese forest therapy certification systems, this title should not automatically be interpreted as equivalent to the qualifications required for psychotherapy or other regulated healthcare professions in different countries. Professional responsibilities and scope of practice depend upon the particular organisation, applicable regulations, and competencies of the individual practitioner.

Clear communication therefore becomes essential when such qualifications are introduced internationally. Professional titles should be accompanied by explanations of training requirements, responsibilities, ethical boundaries, and limitations.

The development of professional guiding illustrates an important transformation in the organisation of forest-based experiences. However, professionalising the encounter does not mean that the therapeutic potential of the forest originates with the professional.

4.12. The Emergence of Forest Medicine (森林医学)

Parallel to the development of forest therapy programmes, another research direction emerged through the scientific investigation of relationships between forest environments and human health.

The expression forest medicine (森林医学, shinrin igaku) became associated with research examining physiological, psychological, and immunological responses to forest exposure. Dr. Qing Li contributed substantially to this direction, particularly through investigations of forest bathing and selected indicators of immune function.

Li (2010) reviewed studies involving forest visits and measurements of natural killer (NK) cell activity, immune-related markers, and stress-related physiological indicators. Some investigations reported changes associated with forest exposure, including increased NK cell activity and reductions in selected stress-related measures under the study conditions.

These findings contributed to interest in whether forest environments might influence aspects of immune functioning and whether exposure to certain plant-derived compounds could represent one of the mechanisms involved. They also expanded the scientific investigation of forest contact beyond subjective relaxation and stress-related measures.

However, the interpretation of these findings requires considerable caution. Changes in NK cell activity or other immune markers do not independently establish that forest bathing prevents cancer, treats infectious diseases, or produces clinically meaningful immune protection in the general population. The available investigations have included relatively small samples, selected populations, and specific exposure protocols, while the broader forest environment involves numerous interacting influences.

The identification of forest medicine as a scientific field therefore reflects the expansion of biomedical investigation rather than the discovery of a fundamentally new forest experience. Environmental psychology, physiology, immunology, public health, and other disciplines may investigate overlapping forms of forest engagement while asking different questions and applying different methodologies.

Forest medicine should consequently not be regarded as the final stage of an inevitable progression from recreation to clinical treatment. Its development represents an additional scientific perspective on the complex relationships among forest environments, human biological functioning, and health.

4.13. Why Shinrin-Yoku, Forest Bathing, and Forest Therapy May Refer to the Same Underlying Experience

The historical developments discussed above reveal an important distinction between what happens during an experience and how that experience is described, organised, or scientifically interpreted.

If a person enters a forest independently, walks slowly, observes the vegetation, listens to the surrounding sounds, notices the air, and experiences changes in attention or emotional state, this encounter may be described as Shinrin-Yoku or forest bathing. If another person participates in a guided forest therapy session involving similar walking, sensory awareness, and time spent in the same environment, much of the underlying exposure may be comparable.

The forest does not change its ecological processes according to the terminology used by the visitor or guide. The human sensory systems do not operate according to the professional title attached to an experience. Exposure to light, sound, temperature, vegetation, and other environmental conditions may occur in both circumstances.

This does not mean that the experiences are identical in every respect. Guided sessions may introduce structured activities, particular attentional practices, group relationships, reflective conversations, and professional support. Such components may influence individual responses, and in some cases the additional structure may be central to the experience. Nevertheless, these differences concern aspects of the encounter that are added to, or modified within, the broader experience of forest contact.

Table 4.3 illustrates the distinction between what may be shared and what may differ.

Table 4.3. Independent forest bathing and guided forest therapy: shared and additional dimensions

Dimension

Independent Shinrin-Yoku / forest bathing

Professionally guided forest therapy

Principal question

Forest environment

Person experiences forest conditions directly

Participant experiences forest conditions directly

Are the environmental exposures comparable?

Sensory stimulation

Occurs through ordinary perception and attention

Occurs through perception and may be intentionally directed

Does structured attention change the response?

Physiological processes

May involve responses to environmental conditions, movement, and psychological state

May involve many of the same processes

Are any observed differences attributable to guiding?

Therapeutic intention

May be present or absent

Often explicitly included

How does intention influence the experience?

Structured activities

May be self-directed or absent

May include organised invitations and exercises

What is the contribution of the specific activities?

Social interaction

May be absent, spontaneous, or self-organised

May involve guide–participant and group relationships

Do social processes contribute additional effects?

Reflection and personal meaning

May arise spontaneously

May be supported through facilitation

Does facilitation alter meaning-making?

Professional support

Not necessarily present

May include preparation, risk assessment, adaptation, and facilitation

What are the benefits of professional organisation?

Scientific evidence

Relevant evidence may concern forest exposure generally

Evidence may concern forest exposure and, where studied, specific intervention components

Which findings apply to which form of engagement?

Clinical responsibility

Not inherently a clinical intervention

Depends upon programme objectives and professional qualifications

Is the activity health promotion or regulated treatment?

This comparison suggests that Shinrin-Yoku, forest bathing, and forest therapy should not automatically be treated as unrelated activities. They may share a common experiential foundation involving human contact with forest environments, while differing in their additional elements, objectives, and organisational structures.

A useful conceptual distinction can therefore be made between the underlying experience of forest engagement and the framework within which that experience takes place. The first concerns the encounter between an individual and the forest environment. The second concerns the reasons for participation, the activities undertaken, the roles of professionals, the presence of other participants, and the meanings attributed to the encounter.

From this perspective, describing forest therapy as a more advanced version of forest bathing may be misleading unless the intended meaning of advanced is specified. A professionally organised programme may involve additional training, assessment, or structured procedures, but greater organisation does not automatically establish greater therapeutic effectiveness.

Similarly, treating Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy as completely separate practices may obscure their shared environmental and experiential foundations.

A more precise interpretation is that Shinrin-Yoku, forest bathing, and forest therapy can refer to overlapping forms of engagement with forest environments, while differing in the intentions, methods, responsibilities, and institutional meanings associated with them.

4.14. Does Scientific Evidence Transform Forest Bathing into Forest Therapy?

The accumulation of scientific evidence concerning physiological and psychological responses to forest environments has contributed substantially to the recognition of forest contact as a subject of health-related research. Studies by Park et al. (2010), Li (2010), and other investigators have examined selected outcomes associated with forest exposure, while systematic reviews have considered evidence concerning stress-related indicators and other potential benefits (Antonelli et al., 2019; Hansen et al., 2017).

Nevertheless, the existence of scientific evidence does not necessarily transform an ordinary activity into an entirely different experience. A person walking through a forest before the development of contemporary physiological research could encounter environmental conditions comparable in kind to those experienced by a participant in a later forest bathing study. Scientific investigation can explain aspects of the relationship between environmental exposure and human functioning, but it does not create that relationship.

It is therefore important to distinguish evidence concerning the environment from evidence concerning a particular intervention. Findings obtained from comparisons of forest and urban exposure may support conclusions about selected effects of those conditions under the circumstances studied. They cannot automatically establish the effectiveness of additional components such as professional facilitation, specific invitations, group discussions, or prescribed reflective exercises.

To determine the contribution of such components, research designs would need to examine them directly. For example, comparisons between appropriately matched independent and guided forest experiences could help investigate the effects of professional support, structured activities, or social participation. Even then, variations among participants, environments, guide competencies, and intervention protocols would require careful consideration.

This distinction also applies to the relationship between therapeutic potential and clinical therapy. An individual may experience relaxation, emotional relief, or personally meaningful change through independent forest contact without participating in a clinical intervention. A guided programme may intentionally support health-related outcomes while remaining outside the scope of psychotherapy or clinical treatment. A clinical intervention involving forest exposure may additionally require professional assessment, appropriate healthcare qualifications, clearly defined treatment objectives, and responsibilities associated with the relevant healthcare discipline.

These arrangements may overlap in some respects, but their classification cannot be determined by the word therapy alone.

Scientific evidence should therefore be used to clarify what has been investigated, which outcomes have been observed, under what conditions those observations occurred, and what uncertainties remain. It should not be used to imply that the development of scientific terminology has created a therapeutic capacity that was previously absent from the environment.

4.15. International Translation and the Changing Meaning of Therapy

The international expansion of Shinrin-Yoku has introduced further complexity into the relationship between terminology and practice. While Shinrin-Yoku is commonly translated as forest bathing, the expression forest therapy is frequently used to describe similar forest-based experiences, particularly those delivered within organised or professionally guided programmes.

However, the distinction between these expressions varies considerably among countries, training organisations, practitioners, and researchers. In some contexts, forest bathing is described as an accessible personal practice involving sensory awareness and intentional time in nature, whereas forest therapy is associated with professionally guided sessions. In other contexts, the terms are treated as nearly interchangeable, including when describing experiences involving similar methods, environments, and health-related intentions.

This variation can create confusion when professional classifications are presented as though they represent universally accepted scientific distinctions.

Uehara’s historical discussion of shinrin ryōhō and shinrin serapī provides a particularly useful example. Although these Japanese expressions have different developmental backgrounds, both may be translated into English as forest therapy. The translation therefore risks obscuring distinctions that remain visible in their original Japanese forms.

At the same time, the English words themselves may influence expectations. The word bathing suggests immersion in an environment, whereas therapy more readily evokes treatment, professional intervention, or an intentional process directed toward improvement. These associations are not universal, but they may shape the way participants understand an activity before it begins.

A person invited to participate in forest bathing may anticipate a sensory, contemplative, or restorative experience. Someone invited to forest therapy may expect a more structured programme involving explicit health-related objectives or professional support. Both individuals may ultimately spend time in the same forest and participate in similar sensory activities, yet their expectations and interpretations may differ.

Such linguistic differences may influence personal meaning, perceived credibility, willingness to participate, and expectations concerning outcomes. However, terminology alone cannot establish whether one experience is more beneficial than another.

The international development of forest-based health programmes therefore raises a question of conceptual responsibility. When an organisation distinguishes forest bathing from forest therapy, it should clarify whether the distinction refers to historical terminology, programme structure, professional qualification, clinical scope, scientific evidence, or another criterion.

Without such clarification, differences in vocabulary may be mistaken for demonstrated differences in therapeutic mechanisms or effectiveness.

4.16. Professional Identity, Commercialisation, and the Ownership of Therapeutic Meaning

The international development of forest therapy has contributed to the emergence of guide training programmes, retreats, professional qualifications, certification systems, health tourism initiatives, and specialised forest-based services. These developments have created opportunities for education, environmental interpretation, local economic activity, and increased awareness of the relationships between forests and human well-being.

In Japan, certified forest therapy bases and trails have also been associated with regional development, tourism, and the promotion of local forest environments. Such initiatives demonstrate how scientific findings concerning forest exposure can become incorporated into broader social and economic systems.

Nevertheless, the professional and commercial expansion of forest therapy introduces questions concerning the relationship between the value of professional services and the value of the natural environment itself.

When forest engagement becomes part of a certified therapeutic programme, it may acquire a particular institutional and commercial identity. Professional qualifications, guided activities, and designated locations may encourage the perception that meaningful therapeutic experiences are primarily associated with formally organised programmes.

Yet this perception requires careful examination. A trained guide may provide valuable knowledge, preparation, safety-related support, and opportunities for structured reflection, but neither the guide nor the certification system creates the forest’s underlying ecological processes. Similarly, a formally certified forest therapy location does not possess exclusive authority over the possibility of beneficial forest contact.

The professional contribution should therefore be recognised without implying ownership of therapeutic meaning. A guide may facilitate particular forms of engagement, adapt activities to participant needs, encourage attention and reflection, and support social interaction. These contributions are legitimate areas for professional training and empirical investigation.

However, the existence of professional services does not justify portraying independent forest contact as inherently inferior, incomplete, or incapable of producing meaningful restorative experiences.

This distinction has ethical implications for public communication. If forest bathing is presented as a specialised method requiring certification to produce benefits, individuals may begin to question the value of ordinary contact with forests. Such communication would be difficult to reconcile with the original public-oriented intention of Shinrin-Yoku, which encouraged people to become familiar with forests and experience them directly.

The challenge for professional organisations is therefore to explain what their services offer while preserving the legitimacy of independent nature contact. Professional facilitation may contribute to an experience without becoming the exclusive source of its therapeutic value.

4.17. From Human Health Toward Ecological Responsibility

The history of Shinrin-Yoku also invites consideration of the relationship between human health and ecological responsibility. Much of the scientific and institutional development of forest therapy has understandably focused on the benefits that forest environments may provide to people. Forests are investigated as environments in which physiological stress may decrease, psychological restoration may occur, or aspects of health and well-being may be supported.

Such investigations are valuable, but they also reveal the limitations of approaching forests primarily through their usefulness to human beings. A forest is not merely a setting in which therapeutic experiences take place. It is a living ecological system composed of interacting organisms, environmental processes, and relationships that continue independently of human perceptions and health-related intentions.

In our work on chinju no mori, Guziak and Hiroi (2025) examined how relationships with sacred forest environments may involve cultural continuity, community responsibility, and the preservation of ecological systems. This wider perspective offers an important counterpoint to interpretations that evaluate forests principally through individual physiological or psychological outcomes.

A forest may hold significance for a community because of its history, biodiversity, cultural relationships, or ecological functions. These values do not disappear when the forest becomes associated with health promotion, nor should they be regarded as secondary to its potential usefulness within a therapeutic programme.

The expansion of forest therapy into tourism, professional guiding, and commercial services also creates responsibilities concerning environmental impact. Increased visitation may contribute to public appreciation of forests and support local communities, but it may also introduce pressures associated with visitor numbers, infrastructure development, disturbance, and resource use.

Consequently, responsible forest-based practice requires attention not only to participant outcomes but also to the ecological conditions and communities within which these activities take place.

This broader understanding suggests that the human–forest relationship need not be organised exclusively around obtaining therapeutic benefits. Participants may develop curiosity, appreciation, or a sense of responsibility toward the environments they encounter. However, the possibility that nature contact may support ecological awareness should not be confused with evidence that every guided session necessarily produces pro-environmental behaviour.

The relationship between nature connectedness and ecological responsibility remains complex and influenced by individual and contextual factors.

Nevertheless, the development of forest therapy offers an opportunity to encourage a more reciprocal understanding of human relationships with forests. Such an approach would not require participants to adopt particular spiritual beliefs or prescribed emotional responses. Instead, it would recognise that the forest possesses ecological and cultural significance beyond its capacity to support human improvement.

From this perspective, a forest experience may become meaningful not only through what an individual receives from the environment but also through the relationship they develop with the living world.

4.18. Reconsidering the Historical Evolution: Transformation or Reinterpretation?

The development from Shinrin-Yoku toward contemporary forest therapy is sometimes described as a progression in which forest bathing began as a recreational or intuitive activity, scientific investigation subsequently demonstrated its physiological effects, and forest therapy emerged as a more advanced, evidence-based form of practice.

Although this interpretation captures important aspects of the historical development, it risks oversimplifying the relationship among experience, scientific knowledge, institutional recognition, and professional organisation.

The introduction of Shinrin-Yoku in 1982 did not create the capacity of forests to influence human experience. Scientific investigations undertaken during subsequent decades did not necessarily establish that professionally guided forest therapy is superior to independent forest contact. The certification of forest therapy locations did not transform every designated environment into a universally effective treatment setting. Nor did the emergence of forest medicine make ordinary forest bathing obsolete.

Rather, these developments introduced different forms of knowledge, language, institutional organisation, and professional practice around overlapping relationships between people and forests.

The historical record therefore supports an interpretation based on differentiation rather than replacement. Scientific research expanded our understanding of selected physiological and psychological responses. Professional education introduced frameworks for preparing and facilitating experiences. Institutional certification supported the recognition and development of particular locations. International communication brought Japanese terminology into new cultural, scientific, and commercial settings.

Each development influenced how human–forest relationships were investigated, organised, and understood, but none necessarily replaced the broader experience of forest contact.

This distinction becomes particularly important when considering the relationship between terminology and therapeutic agency. A person entering a forest may experience physiological responses associated with environmental exposure regardless of whether the activity is described as Shinrin-Yoku, forest bathing, or forest therapy. A guide may introduce activities that influence attention, emotional expression, reflection, or social interaction, but the guide does not initiate every environmental or biological process associated with the encounter. Similarly, a participant may interpret an experience as therapeutic even when no formal intervention has occurred.

The history of Shinrin-Yoku therefore illustrates the conceptual difficulty of determining precisely when an ordinary human experience becomes therapy. Is the transformation located in the environment, the activity, the intention of the participant, the presence of professional guidance, the accumulation of scientific evidence, or the meaning attributed to the encounter?

The historical developments discussed in this section suggest that these dimensions can change independently. A forest may acquire a therapeutic designation without undergoing a fundamental ecological transformation. An ordinary activity may become part of an organised health programme without necessarily changing its basic sensory characteristics. Scientific evidence may provide explanations for responses that people experienced before those explanations were available. A professional qualification may establish responsibilities and competencies without granting exclusive authority over the therapeutic value of nature.

The evolution from Shinrin-Yoku toward contemporary forest therapy should therefore be understood as a process of scientific, institutional, linguistic, and professional differentiation, rather than a simple progression from an ordinary activity to a superior therapeutic method.

This interpretation does not diminish Japan’s contribution to contemporary forest-based health research. On the contrary, it allows that contribution to be recognised more precisely. Japan played an important role in establishing Shinrin-Yoku as a publicly recognisable concept, advancing physiological research on forest exposure, developing forest therapy programmes and certification systems, and contributing to the emergence of forest medicine as a scientific field. At the same time, earlier international research, including investigations of phytoncides, demonstrates that these developments occurred within wider exchanges of scientific knowledge.

The resulting history is not one of complete replacement but of diversification. Shinrin-Yoku continues to describe an accessible way of experiencing the forest atmosphere. Forest therapy may refer to organised and evidence-informed forms of forest-based health promotion, although its institutional meanings vary across contexts. Forest medicine investigates selected biomedical dimensions of forest exposure, while recreational, contemplative, cultural, and personally meaningful forest encounters continue to exist alongside these developments.

These forms of engagement may overlap without being identical in every respect.

Ultimately, the forest did not become therapeutic when we began to call an experience forest therapy. Rather, scientific research, professional practice, and institutional development introduced new ways of investigating, organising, communicating, and valuing possibilities that may already have existed within human relationships with forests.

This distinction returns us to the central question of the present article. If an independent forest encounter and a professionally guided forest therapy session may involve overlapping environmental processes, what precisely is added through therapeutic intention, structured activities, professional facilitation, social interaction, and institutional classification? How do these additional elements influence the participant’s experience, and under what circumstances might they contribute to particular health-related outcomes?

The answer cannot be determined through terminology or historical development alone. It requires investigation of the relationships among environmental exposure, individual characteristics, attention, emotion, professional guidance, social context, and the meanings emerging through experience.

The history of Shinrin-Yoku consequently provides more than an account of the development of forest therapy. It reveals how existing human experiences become translated into scientific concepts, professional practices, institutional systems, and commercial services. It also invites us to question whether recognising therapeutic potential necessarily requires us to redefine ordinary relationships with nature as therapeutic interventions.

Perhaps the most important lesson is that terminology may change considerably while the fundamental possibility of a meaningful encounter remains. People experienced forests before the introduction of Shinrin-Yoku in 1982, before the development of forest therapy terminology in the 1990s and 2000s, and before the establishment of professional certification systems. People can continue to encounter forests independently today, just as others may choose to participate in organised or professionally guided experiences.

The names change, the frameworks evolve, and scientific understanding develops. Yet the forest remains a living environment in which human experience can unfold without necessarily requiring a therapeutic designation.

The discussion therefore remains open: when we speak of forest therapy, are we referring to the forest itself, the experience of being within it, the professional intervention, the intended outcomes, or the meanings through which human beings understand their relationship with the natural world?

 

4.19. A Final Clarification: Why This Article Distinguishes Shinrin-Yoku, Forest Bathing, and Forest Therapy While Questioning Their Separation

Throughout this section, distinctions have been made between Shinrin-Yoku, forest bathing, and forest therapy in order to explain their historical development, conceptual evolution, and institutional interpretation. However, these distinctions should not be mistaken for an endorsement of the view that they necessarily represent separate practices or fundamentally different forms of human engagement with forest environments. On the contrary, the historical investigation presented here raises questions about the extent to which such separation is justified, particularly when these expressions are applied to contemporary guided forest experiences.

In my previous historical research, From Shinrin-Yoku (Forest Bathing) to Forest Therapy: The Evolution of a Japanese Health Concept (Guziak, 2025), I examined the development of these expressions within the Japanese scientific, cultural, and institutional context. My interpretation differs from approaches that establish a categorical distinction between forest bathing and forest therapy, particularly when the distinction is based primarily on the presence or absence of professional guidance. The historical evidence suggests that the development of these terms is better understood as an evolution and diversification of terminology, scientific understanding, and organisational frameworks surrounding an existing experience, rather than the emergence of entirely separate activities.

This interpretation finds particular support in the terminology used by the Japanese Forest Therapy Society, which describes shinrin serapī (森林セラピー) as forest bathing supported by scientific evidence. The significance of this definition lies in its recognition of continuity between the original Shinrin-Yoku concept and its later scientifically informed development. Within this institutional context, forest therapy can therefore be understood as a later expression applied to an approach grounded in forest bathing, rather than a term identifying a completely different environmental experience. Nevertheless, this is not evidence that forest therapy has universally replaced Shinrin-Yoku as its official name. Both expressions remain in use, and their meanings continue to vary according to context.

The distinction becomes more complex when shinrin ryōhō (森林療法), introduced by Iwao Uehara in 1999, is considered alongside shinrin serapī. As discussed earlier, these expressions developed through different professional and institutional trajectories, although both are translated into English as forest therapy. Uehara himself recognised the potential confusion created by this translation and sought to clarify the differences between the concepts. The historical distinction is therefore important, but it does not follow that every activity described by one term must be experientially or methodologically different from an activity described by another.

The international transmission of Japanese terminology introduced further layers of interpretation. As Shinrin-Yoku spread beyond Japan, it entered different cultural, educational, scientific, healthcare, and commercial contexts. Organisations developed their own definitions, training standards, certification systems, professional identities, and methods of communicating forest-based experiences to the public. In this process, distinctions that originally concerned historical development, scientific interpretation, or institutional organisation were sometimes reformulated as distinctions between different types of practice.

Poland provides a particularly relevant example. On January 23, 2025, the Polish Society of Forest Bathing and Forest Therapy (Polskie Towarzystwo Kąpieli Leśnych i Terapii Leśnej) announced a new organisational name intended to recognise forest bathing (kąpiele leśne) and forest therapy (terapia leśna, also called lasoterapia) as related but distinct concepts. According to the Society’s published definitions, forest bathing is understood as an accessible form of sensory immersion in the forest that may be practised independently and does not necessarily require a predetermined structure or professional guide. Forest therapy, by contrast, is presented as a scientifically informed, professionally facilitated approach intended to support health promotion, prevention, and, in appropriate contexts, rehabilitation. The Society explains that these definitions emerged through its interpretation of scientific literature, international expert consultation, and efforts to develop professional standards.

This Polish distinction is understandable within the context of professional development. It offers a way to differentiate general opportunities for forest contact from organised services involving trained facilitators, specific responsibilities, and health-related objectives. Similar distinctions can also be found internationally. For example, Forest Therapy Hub distinguishes forest bathing as a well-being practice from forest therapy as a more standardised intervention directed toward particular populations and health-related needs. Such frameworks may support professional communication, educational pathways, participant expectations, ethical responsibilities, and collaboration with healthcare services.

However, these explanations also reveal why the distinctions require further critical examination. The development of professional identities, qualification systems, and institutional standards can be valuable without necessarily demonstrating the existence of fundamentally different underlying practices. A distinction established for educational, organisational, or regulatory purposes should not automatically be interpreted as evidence of a distinct therapeutic mechanism. Similarly, the fact that one programme is professionally facilitated while another is independently undertaken does not establish that the former is therapeutically superior.

My interpretation, based on the historical and terminological research discussed in this section, is that the international separation of Shinrin-Yoku, forest bathing, and forest therapy reflects, at least in part, the ways in which a Japanese concept has been translated, adapted, professionalised, and incorporated into different national systems. Differences in professional education, healthcare terminology, expectations concerning the word therapy, and the need to identify particular services may all contribute to this differentiation. Commercial positioning and certification structures may also reinforce particular definitions. These are plausible contributing factors rather than a fully established causal explanation for every national or organisational distinction.

The most important question concerns what actually takes place during a session. Consider a professionally guided experience in which participants enter a forest, engage their senses, walk slowly, notice environmental conditions, participate in invitations, reflect upon their experiences, and, where appropriate, share observations with others. Such an experience may be described as a guided Shinrin-Yoku session, a guided forest bathing session, or a guided forest therapy session. The expression guided forest bathing is a direct English rendering of guided Shinrin-Yoku, while guided forest therapy may be used within a particular institutional or professional framework to describe the same or a closely comparable set of activities. When the environment, participant group, sequence of activities, facilitation, and intended objectives are equivalent, changing the terminology does not in itself create a different intervention.

Conversely, two programmes using the same expression may involve considerably different activities, professional competencies, participant populations, and intended outcomes. A guided session designed for general well-being is not necessarily equivalent to a clinically supervised intervention incorporating forest exposure into an individual treatment or rehabilitation plan. The difference in such cases arises from the actual objectives, procedures, professional responsibilities, and circumstances of participation, rather than simply from the name assigned to the experience.

This distinction also has implications for the interpretation of scientific evidence. Research investigating physiological responses to Shinrin-Yoku or forest bathing should not automatically be treated as evidence concerning every component of a particular professionally guided forest therapy programme. Equally, the use of the expression forest therapy does not establish that professional guidance produces additional benefits beyond those associated with comparable forest exposure. Such claims require research designs capable of examining the independent and interacting contributions of environmental conditions, structured activities, facilitator competencies, social relationships, and participant characteristics.

Consequently, the position adopted in this article is one of conceptual continuity accompanied by contextual differentiation. Shinrin-Yoku, forest bathing, and forest therapy are not treated as necessarily identical in every institutional, professional, or clinical application. However, neither are they regarded as inherently separate experiential categories. Their historical development demonstrates how one broad form of human–forest engagement has acquired different scientific, linguistic, and professional meanings over time.

The distinctions used throughout this section are therefore methodological and historical rather than intended to establish a universal hierarchy. They help explain how the Japanese concept developed, how its terminology changed, and how its international interpretation contributed to the emergence of different professional classifications. They should not be understood as suggesting that forest bathing is merely a preliminary or less developed activity while forest therapy necessarily represents a more effective or advanced form of human–nature engagement.

From this perspective, I propose that guided Shinrin-Yoku, guided forest bathing, and guided forest therapy may legitimately describe the same practice when they refer to equivalent activities, participant experiences, and forms of facilitation. Where meaningful differences do exist, they should be identified through careful description of the intervention and its context rather than assumed from terminology alone. This is a conceptual conclusion drawn from historical and terminological analysis, not an empirical demonstration that all programmes using these labels produce equivalent outcomes.

The broader implication extends beyond the history of Japanese forest-based practices. When an existing human activity becomes associated with scientific evidence, professional qualifications, therapeutic terminology, and organised services, there is a risk that differences in language will be interpreted as differences in the nature or value of the experience itself. Recognising this possibility does not diminish the importance of professional guiding, scientific research, or ethical standards. Instead, it allows their contributions to be examined more precisely without assigning them exclusive authority over the therapeutic possibilities of ordinary encounters with nature.

Ultimately, the distinction between Shinrin-Yoku, forest bathing, and forest therapy may tell us as much about the evolution of scientific knowledge, professional systems, and cultural interpretation as it does about the forest experience itself. What began as a publicly promoted opportunity to immerse oneself in the forest atmosphere has developed into a broad international field involving research, education, healthcare-related applications, and professional practice. Yet these developments remain connected by a shared foundation: the encounter between a human being and the forest environment.

The terminology may evolve, but the experience does not necessarily become a different experience simply because we give it a different name. The question is therefore not only how Shinrin-Yoku became forest therapy, but also why, in some contemporary contexts, we have come to regard them as separate practices at all.

 

References

Antonelli, M., Barbieri, G., & Donelli, D. (2019). Effects of forest bathing (Shinrin-Yoku) on levels of cortisol as a stress biomarker: A systematic review and meta-analysis. International Journal of Biometeorology, 63(8), 1117–1134. https://doi.org/10.1007/s00484-019-01717-x

Forest Therapy Society. (n.d.). 森林セラピーとは [What is forest therapy?] https://fo-society.jp/forest-therapy-society/about-forest-therapy/

Forest Therapy Society. (n.d.). 法人概要 [About the Forest Therapy Society]. https://fo-society.jp/forest-therapy-society/about-us/

Forestry Agency. (2006, April 18). 我が国初の「森林セラピー基地」等の認定について [On the first certification of forest therapy bases and trails in Japan]. https://www.rinya.maff.go.jp/puresu/h18-4gatu/0418wagakunino.html

Forestry Agency. (n.d.). 森林浴—いつでも森と、心をほどく [Forest bathing: A way to relax the mind in the forest]. https://www.rinya.maff.go.jp/j/sanson/kassei/sangyou/shinrin-yoku.html

Guziak, M. A. (2025). From Shinrin-Yoku (forest bathing) to forest therapy: The evolution of a Japanese health concept. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://shinrin-yoku-association.com/2025/11/06/from-shinrin-yoku-forest-bathing-to-forest-therapy-the-evolution-of-a-japanese-health-concept/

Guziak, M. A., & Hiroi, Y. (2025). Chinju no Mori: The transformation of sacred forests into sustainable and healing communities. Shinrin-Yoku Journal, 1(1), 14–24.

Hansen, M. M., Jones, R., & Tocchini, K. (2017). Shinrin-Yoku (forest bathing) and nature therapy: A state-of-the-art review. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 14(8), Article 851. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph14080851

Li, Q. (2010). Effect of forest bathing trips on human immune function. Environmental Health and Preventive Medicine, 15(1), 9–17. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12199-008-0068-3

Miyazaki, Y. (2018). Shinrin-yoku: The Japanese art of forest bathing. Timber Press.

National Diet Library. (n.d.). 森林療法 [Forest therapy: Subject authority record]. https://id.ndl.go.jp/auth/ndlsh/01140698

Park, B.-J., Tsunetsugu, Y., Kasetani, T., Kagawa, T., & Miyazaki, Y. (2010). The physiological effects of Shinrin-Yoku (taking in the forest atmosphere or forest bathing): Evidence from field experiments in 24 forests across Japan. Environmental Health and Preventive Medicine, 15(1), 18–26. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12199-009-0086-9

Tokin, B. P., & Kamiyama, K. (1980). 植物の不思議な力=フィトンチッド:微生物を殺す樹木の謎をさぐる [The mysterious power of plants: Phytoncides—Investigating the antimicrobial properties of trees]. Kodansha.

Uehara, I. (n.d.). 研究者詳細:上原巌 [Researcher profile and publications on forest therapy]. Tokyo University of Agriculture. https://dbs.nodai.ac.jp/html/169_knkyu_prsn_ja.html

Research Article · Section 05

The Forest as a
Therapeutic Environment

What does scientific evidence actually establish about forest exposure, human well-being, physiological responses, and professional guidance?

A forest may contribute to well-being without being organised as therapy.
The central scientific question

When does an environment become therapeutic?

Scientific research demonstrates that selected forest environments can influence human physiological and psychological functioning. However, evidence of beneficial responses does not automatically establish clinical treatment efficacy, a single causal mechanism, or the necessity of professional guidance.

01 / ENVIRONMENT

Forests may contribute directly

Environmental exposure may influence aspects of attention, emotional state, and physiological regulation, including during relatively simple activities such as walking or viewing.

02 / HUMAN EXPERIENCE

Responses are not uniform

Individual health, expectations, perception, previous experiences, environmental safety, and personal meaning may modify outcomes.

03 / FACILITATION

Guidance may shape the encounter

Professional facilitation can introduce attentional invitations, reflection, social participation, and support, but its additional effectiveness requires independent evaluation.

A relational perspective

One forest encounter. Multiple contributing processes.

The experience of spending time in a forest cannot be reduced to the environment, the participant, or the facilitator alone. Outcomes may emerge through interacting environmental, physiological, psychological, behavioural, and social processes.

F

The Forest

Atmospheric conditions, vegetation, temperature, natural sounds, light, sensory complexity, and ecological context.

P

The Participant

Biological responses, attention, emotion, memory, expectations, movement, personal interpretation, and previous nature experience.

G

The Guide, When Present

Environmental preparation, safety assessment, invitations, facilitation, reflective opportunities, social coordination, and individual support.

The situated forest experience

Interactions among these components may contribute to physiological responses, attentional restoration, emotional experience, nature connectedness, and personal meaning. Which components are responsible for particular outcomes remains an empirical question.

Conceptual interpretation based on the relational argument developed in Section 5. This framework illustrates possible contributors; it is not a validated causal model.

Understanding the evidence

What has research investigated?

Different studies examine different outcomes. Short-term physiological changes, psychological improvements, immune-related biomarkers, and clinical treatment effectiveness should not be interpreted as equivalent.

Research area What evidence suggests What remains uncertain
Cognitive restoration Selected natural environments may support recovery of directed attention (Kaplan, 1995; Berman et al., 2008). Effects are not guaranteed across every environment, individual, or cognitive function.
Physiological regulation Forest exposure has been associated with differences in cortisol, pulse, blood pressure, and autonomic indicators (Park et al., 2010; Antonelli et al., 2019). Precise mechanisms, persistence, and long-term clinical significance remain uncertain.
Immune-related responses Some forest-bathing studies report changes in natural killer cell activity and other immune-related measures (Li, 2010). These findings do not establish cancer prevention, protection against infections, or causation by phytoncides.
Psychological well-being Reviews report promising findings for stress, anxiety, depressive symptoms, and mood (Coventry et al., 2021; Qin et al., 2026). Study heterogeneity, bias, and varying evidence certainty limit definitive conclusions concerning clinical efficacy.
Professional guidance Guided and unguided experiences may differ in reported reflection, emotion, and social engagement (Kim & Shin, 2021). Evidence does not establish universal superiority of guided forest engagement (Zhang et al., 2026).

Summary of selected studies discussed in the article. The original research and complete references appear in Section 5.

Scientific interpretation

What the evidence supports — and what it does not.

What we can reasonably conclude

Selected natural environments may support short-term physiological regulation, psychological restoration, and aspects of subjective well-being. Multiple pathways may contribute, and some benefits may occur without deliberate sensory exercises or professionally guided sessions.

What we cannot yet conclude

Every forest is therapeutic for every person; all reported changes represent clinically meaningful treatment; one environmental component explains the outcomes; or professional guidance necessarily produces greater benefits than independent forest engagement.

Explore the complete argument

Section 5 at a glance

Open any subsection below to explore its central argument. The summaries follow the organisation of the full article.

Part I — Theoretical foundations
5.1 Introduction: Therapeutic potential

Forests contain environmental conditions that may influence human health and well-being. However, evidence of beneficial responses must be distinguished from demonstrated clinical treatment efficacy and the additional effects of professionally organised experiences.

5.2 Theories of restorative environments

Attention Restoration Theory and Stress Recovery Theory provide complementary explanations for potential cognitive, emotional, and physiological responses to natural environments. Both recognise that environmental characteristics and individual circumstances influence outcomes.

5.3 Multiple pathways between nature and health

Health-related outcomes may involve environmental exposure, physical activity, stress reduction, social relationships, and other interacting mechanisms. Observed improvements cannot automatically be attributed to one isolated pathway.

Part II — Physiological and psychological evidence
5.4 Physiological responses to forests

Japanese field experiments, including Park et al. (2010), identified differences in selected physiological indicators between forest and urban conditions. These findings support investigation of short-term environmental responses, but not universal treatment claims.

5.5 Autonomic nervous system and stress regulation

Cortisol and heart rate variability provide information about aspects of physiological regulation, but both require careful contextual interpretation. Lower cortisol or altered autonomic indicators do not automatically establish improved long-term health.

5.6 Phytoncides and biological exposure

Plant-derived airborne compounds may participate in biological interactions. Early forest-bathing research has reported changes in some immune-related indicators, but the specific contribution of phytoncides and clinical significance of these findings remain insufficiently established.

5.7 Psychological outcomes

Research reports promising associations between nature-based activities and improvements in stress, mood, anxiety, and depressive symptoms. However, substantial heterogeneity and differences in evidence certainty limit definitive clinical conclusions.

5.8 Everyday recreation and mental health

Ordinary nature recreation may be associated with psychological well-being even without professional organisation. Observational associations, however, cannot establish whether nature engagement causes improved mental health or whether other factors contribute to the relationship.

Part III — Perception, experience, and connection
5.9 The forest as a multisensory environment

Forests differ in vegetation, climate, light, sound, terrain, and ecological conditions. Forest exposure therefore cannot be considered a standardised environmental treatment administered under identical conditions.

5.10 Sensory reception and conscious attention

Sensory systems continuously process environmental information, whether individuals consciously attend to it or not. Guided invitations may redirect attention and influence interpretation, but they do not initiate sensory reception itself.

5.11 Nature contact versus nature connectedness

Exposure to nature and perceived connectedness with the natural world are related but distinct concepts. Frequency of contact does not necessarily establish emotional affiliation, identity, personal meaning, or lasting connection.

5.12 Horizontal and vertical forest engagement

Guziak (2026) proposes horizontal engagement as the continuity and frequency of nature contact, and vertical engagement as the subjective depth and meaning of the encounter. This is a conceptual heuristic, not a validated scale of therapeutic efficacy.

Part IV — Guidance, evidence, and interpretation
5.13 Guided versus unguided experiences

Professional guidance may influence attention, reflection, social engagement, and accessibility. However, the currently limited comparative evidence does not establish that guided forest experiences universally produce stronger physiological or psychological outcomes.

5.14 The problem of therapeutic attribution

Forest experiences emerge through interactions among environmental conditions, bodily processes, attention, activity, emotion, personal history, and social context. Therapeutic outcomes cannot automatically be assigned exclusively to the forest, participant, or guide.

5.15 Methodological limitations

Differences in intervention structure, environment, participant characteristics, control conditions, expectations, measurements, and follow-up periods complicate scientific interpretation. Better comparisons are needed to identify specific contributing mechanisms.

5.16 Everyday health and access to nature

Research on nature contact has implications beyond professionally organised interventions. Public access, environmental protection, green infrastructure, and opportunities for regular engagement may contribute to population-level well-being.

5.17 What does the evidence ultimately establish?

Selected forest environments show potential to support aspects of physiological, psychological, and experiential well-being. However, the mechanisms are multiple, effects vary across circumstances, and the additional efficacy of professional guidance remains an important research question.

Concluding reflection

Does the forest become therapeutic because we organise an encounter with it?

Scientific evidence suggests that environmental influences may arise independently of formal therapeutic organisation. Guidance may shape attention, interpretation, and social experience, but it does not necessarily create all the processes through which forests may contribute to human well-being.

The question is therefore not simply whether forests are therapeutic, but which environmental, biological, psychological, behavioural, and relational processes contribute to particular outcomes, for whom, and under what conditions.

The forest may contribute to human well-being without being called therapy, just as an individual may experience something meaningful in nature without seeking a therapeutic outcome.

Section 5 conceptual and research summary. Based on the article "When Does Nature Become Therapy?" This educational overview does not constitute medical advice or evidence of established clinical treatment efficacy. Consult the full section for research details and bibliographic references.

5. The Forest as a Therapeutic Environment: What Does the Evidence Establish?

5.1. Introduction: Understanding the Therapeutic Potential of Forest Environments

A substantial and expanding body of scientific literature has examined the relationship between natural environments and human health. Over recent decades, research in environmental psychology, environmental physiology, public health, neuroscience, immunology, and related disciplines has contributed to understanding how exposure to natural environments may influence human functioning. Within this broader field, forests have received particular attention because they provide complex combinations of sensory, physical, atmospheric, biological, and ecological conditions that may be associated with psychological restoration, physiological stress regulation, and subjective well-being.

Despite the increasing number of studies reporting favourable outcomes following forest exposure, the question of what makes a forest environment therapeutic remains considerably more complex than identifying measurable physiological or psychological changes. Evidence that individuals experience improvements in selected health-related indicators after spending time in forests does not necessarily establish that the forest functions as a clinical treatment, that particular environmental mechanisms are responsible for the observed outcomes, or that professionally organised experiences produce greater benefits than independent engagement. Furthermore, forests are not uniform environments, and individuals do not enter them with identical physiological conditions, psychological expectations, sensory preferences, cultural backgrounds, or personal relationships with nature.

The distinction between the therapeutic potential of an environment and the demonstrated effectiveness of a particular intervention is therefore fundamental. It requires examining not only what happens to individuals during forest exposure, but also which environmental characteristics may contribute to their responses, how individuals interact with these conditions, and what conclusions can reasonably be drawn from the available scientific evidence. This distinction is particularly important in the context of Shinrin-Yoku, forest bathing, and forest therapy, where environmental exposure is frequently combined with intentional attention, physical movement, contemplative activities, social interaction, and professional facilitation.

In previous conceptual work concerning the modalities of forest engagement, Guziak (2026) proposed that spending time in forests may be understood across a continuum of experiences differing in intention, structure, depth, continuity, and personal meaning. Individuals may encounter forests through incidental exposure, everyday recreation, contemplative practice, professionally guided sessions, or formally designed nature-based interventions. Although these modalities may overlap substantially, they raise different questions concerning the relationships among environmental conditions, individual responses, professional facilitation, and therapeutic outcomes.

The present section critically examines the scientific literature through this broader perspective. Rather than assuming that forests possess a single identifiable therapeutic mechanism, it considers the possibility that health-related outcomes emerge through interactions among environmental conditions, physiological regulation, attention, perception, emotional processes, behaviour, social relationships, and personal meaning. Particular attention is given to the distinction between effects that may arise through relatively ordinary environmental exposure and those potentially introduced or modified through conscious engagement and professional guidance.

5.2. Environmental Psychology: Theories of Restorative Environments

Two influential theoretical approaches have contributed substantially to the scientific understanding of restorative environments: Attention Restoration Theory (ART) and Stress Recovery Theory (SRT). Although both frameworks address potentially beneficial responses to natural environments, they emphasise different psychological and physiological processes and should not be regarded as interchangeable explanations.

Attention Restoration Theory, developed by Kaplan and colleagues, proposes that particular environments may facilitate recovery from fatigue associated with sustained directed attention. Directed attention is involved in activities requiring individuals to maintain concentration, inhibit distractions, and deliberately organise cognitive resources. Although these processes are essential for everyday functioning, prolonged demands may contribute to attentional fatigue and reduced cognitive performance.

Kaplan (1995) identified four environmental qualities associated with restorative experiences: being away, fascination, extent, and compatibility. Being away refers to the experience of psychological distance from ordinary demands; fascination describes environmental features that attract attention without requiring substantial deliberate effort; extent concerns the coherence and scope of an environment that allows individuals to experience immersion; and compatibility refers to the relationship between environmental opportunities and an individual’s purposes, needs, and capacities. According to this framework, restoration is facilitated when environmental characteristics allow directed-attention resources to recover while attention remains engaged in less demanding ways.

The concept of soft fascination is particularly relevant to forest environments. Observing moving leaves, shifting patterns of sunlight, flowing water, or distant landscapes may attract attention without imposing the sustained cognitive demands associated with complex tasks. Importantly, this theoretical perspective does not require individuals to undertake a formally organised activity. Rather, the restorative potential of a natural environment may arise partly through its characteristics and the relationship between those characteristics and an individual’s existing attentional demands.

Experimental findings reported by Berman et al. (2008) provide support for this perspective. Their research compared interactions with natural and urban environments and found improvements in selected measures of directed attention following nature exposure. Related benefits were observed in an experimental condition involving natural images. These findings are relevant because they suggest that certain cognitive benefits may arise through environmental exposure without requiring professionally guided therapeutic activities. Nevertheless, the results should not be interpreted as demonstrating that all natural environments consistently restore attention or that every cognitive function responds similarly.

The restorative qualities proposed by ART are also dependent upon individual circumstances. A forest characterised by unfamiliar sounds, difficult terrain, dense vegetation, or uncertain navigation may demand substantial directed attention, particularly when an individual is concerned about safety. Environmental features that are restorative for one person may therefore be distracting, demanding, or uncomfortable for another. The potential for restoration is not determined exclusively by the presence of vegetation but also by the relationship between environmental conditions and the person experiencing them.

Stress Recovery Theory provides a complementary explanation by focusing more directly on affective appraisal and physiological responses to environmental conditions. Ulrich et al. (1991) investigated emotional and physiological responses to natural and urban scenes following exposure to a stressful experience. Their findings suggested that particular natural environments may facilitate relatively rapid stress-related recovery, as reflected in physiological and emotional measures. This framework emphasises the importance of environments perceived as relatively safe, pleasant, and non-threatening.

An earlier contribution by Ulrich (1984) examined postoperative recovery among surgical patients whose hospital rooms provided different window views. Patients whose rooms overlooked natural scenery were reported to have shorter postoperative hospital stays and to receive fewer potent analgesics than matched patients whose windows faced a brick wall. Although the study was small and observational, it became influential because it suggested that environmental characteristics might influence health-related outcomes even when individuals were not intentionally participating in nature-based activities.

The significance of these findings lies partly in their implications for passive environmental exposure. Individuals do not necessarily need to walk through forests, practise mindfulness, or consciously direct attention toward natural elements for aspects of the surrounding environment to influence their experience or physiological functioning. Visual exposure, environmental appraisal, and other sensory processes may contribute to responses without being incorporated into a formal therapeutic protocol.

Nevertheless, neither ART nor SRT establishes that natural environments are universally restorative. Their explanatory value depends upon environmental characteristics, individual perceptions, the outcomes being measured, and the conditions under which exposure occurs. Both frameworks therefore provide important theoretical foundations without resolving all questions concerning the therapeutic effectiveness of forest environments.

Table 5.1. Comparison of Attention Restoration Theory and Stress Recovery Theory

Dimension

Attention Restoration Theory (ART)

Stress Recovery Theory (SRT)

Principal contribution

Kaplan (1995)

Ulrich et al. (1991)

Primary focus

Recovery from directed-attention fatigue

Emotional and physiological recovery following stress

Proposed processes

Being away, fascination, extent, and compatibility

Affective appraisal and stress-related physiological responses

Relevant environmental characteristics

Environments supporting relatively effortless attention

Environments perceived as safe, pleasant, and non-threatening

Commonly examined outcomes

Directed-attention performance and cognitive restoration

Emotional state and physiological stress-related indicators

Role of deliberate attention

Restoration may occur without structured attentional exercises

Recovery may occur without intentional therapeutic activity

Important limitations

Environmental demands and individual differences may alter restorative potential

Appraisal, environmental context, and individual differences influence responses

Relevance to Shinrin-Yoku

Helps explain why forest environments may support attentional restoration

Helps explain why forest exposure may facilitate short-term stress-related recovery

Note. Both theories offer explanatory frameworks rather than evidence that all forests are therapeutic or that professionally guided experiences are necessary to produce restoration.

5.3. Beyond Restoration: Multiple Pathways Linking Nature and Human Health

Although Attention Restoration Theory and Stress Recovery Theory have significantly influenced research on nature and human well-being, the relationship between natural environments and health is unlikely to be adequately explained through either framework alone. Human responses to natural settings involve complex interactions among environmental exposure, physical activity, psychological processes, social relationships, and broader living conditions. Consequently, understanding the potential health-related effects of forests requires consideration of multiple interacting pathways.

Hartig et al. (2014), in their comprehensive review of nature and health, identified several relevant pathways, including air quality, physical activity, social cohesion, and stress reduction. Their analysis demonstrated that natural environments may influence health through both direct and indirect processes. Access to green spaces may encourage walking, recreational participation, and other forms of physical movement, potentially influencing cardiovascular functioning, physical fitness, sleep, and psychological well-being. Natural settings may also provide opportunities for interpersonal contact and community participation, while environmental characteristics such as vegetation, shade, acoustic conditions, and local climate may influence experience independently of deliberate activity.

Kuo (2015) further expanded this discussion by reviewing a wide range of mechanisms potentially connecting nature contact with human health. The review identified 21 possible mechanisms or contributing processes spanning environmental, psychological, physiological, and behavioural domains. It also examined the possibility that improved immune functioning could represent an important connecting pathway. However, this proposed relationship should be understood as a hypothesis concerning interacting mechanisms rather than an established explanation for all observed health benefits.

The significance of these broader approaches is that they challenge the assumption that an observed improvement must originate from one identifiable element of a forest experience. During a relatively ordinary forest visit, an individual may simultaneously engage in physical movement, experience changes in atmospheric and acoustic conditions, direct attention toward the environment, encounter other people, and undergo changes in emotional state. These processes may reinforce, modify, or counteract one another.

For example, a pleasant forest environment may encourage a person to walk for longer than they would in a less appealing setting. A sense of environmental safety may facilitate relaxation, which may influence attentional processes and emotional experience. Social companionship may contribute to feelings of support, while the surrounding environment provides the context within which interaction occurs. Alternatively, difficult terrain, uncomfortable weather, perceived threats, or unwanted social interaction may reduce the potential benefits of the encounter.

The existence of multiple plausible pathways introduces a central methodological challenge. When a study reports improved well-being following a forest visit, it may be difficult to determine whether the change resulted primarily from the environment, physical movement, opportunities for rest, expectations, attentional shifts, social interaction, or the combined influence of these components. Without appropriate comparison conditions, attributing an observed outcome to one specific mechanism remains uncertain.

This complexity becomes particularly relevant in professionally guided Shinrin-Yoku sessions, where environmental exposure is frequently combined with sensory invitations, movement, stillness, contemplation, reflective activities, and group interaction. Evidence concerning the effects of forest exposure must therefore be distinguished from evidence concerning the additional contribution of specific guiding techniques. The observation that a guided session produces beneficial outcomes does not, by itself, establish which components of the experience were responsible.

5.4. Physiological Responses to Forest Environments

The investigation of physiological responses represents one of the most influential contributions to the scientific development of Shinrin-Yoku. Research conducted in Japan, particularly through work associated with Yoshifumi Miyazaki and colleagues, helped establish experimental approaches for comparing human physiological responses under forest and urban environmental conditions.

Park et al. (2010) reported findings from field experiments conducted across 24 forest environments in Japan, involving 280 young male participants. The experimental design included short periods of walking and viewing under forest and urban comparison conditions. The investigators examined physiological indicators including salivary cortisol, blood pressure, pulse rate, and heart rate variability, thereby exploring several dimensions of stress-related physiological regulation.

Compared with the urban conditions, forest environments were associated with lower salivary cortisol concentrations, lower pulse rates, lower blood pressure, increased indicators of parasympathetic nervous system activity, and reduced indicators of sympathetic activity. These findings suggest that relatively brief exposure to selected forest environments may influence physiological processes associated with stress regulation.

The inclusion of both walking and viewing conditions is especially significant in the context of therapeutic attribution. Physiological differences were observed during comparatively simple forms of forest engagement rather than exclusively following elaborate therapeutic exercises. Consequently, the findings support the investigation of forest environments as potential contributors to physiological regulation independently of formal professional facilitation.

However, several limitations must be recognised. The study population consisted of young male participants, which restricts the extent to which the findings can be generalised to women, older adults, children, or individuals with particular health conditions. Furthermore, forest and urban environments differ across numerous environmental characteristics, including vegetation, traffic exposure, noise, air quality, temperature, and other contextual variables. The observed differences therefore cannot be attributed exclusively to vegetation or to any single environmental component.

An additional distinction concerns the interpretation of physiological measurements. Lower blood pressure, pulse rate, or cortisol concentration under particular experimental conditions may indicate short-term physiological differences, but they do not independently establish long-term disease prevention, clinically meaningful recovery, or treatment efficacy. The duration and clinical relevance of these responses require separate investigation.

The contribution of Park et al. (2010) should therefore be understood in relation to the specific question their research addressed. The findings provide experimental evidence that selected forest and urban environments are associated with different short-term physiological responses. They do not establish that every forest environment produces equivalent effects, that all individuals respond similarly, or that professional guidance is necessary for such responses to occur.

5.5. The Autonomic Nervous System, the HPA Axis, and Stress Regulation

Research investigating physiological responses to forest exposure frequently examines the autonomic nervous system and the hypothalamic–pituitary–adrenal (HPA) axis. Both systems participate in the regulation of physiological responses to changing environmental and internal conditions, although their functioning is considerably more complex than a simple distinction between stress and relaxation.

The autonomic nervous system contributes to the regulation of cardiovascular activity, digestion, and numerous other bodily processes. Its sympathetic and parasympathetic divisions are involved in different aspects of physiological regulation, but their activities should not be interpreted as representing universally harmful and beneficial states, respectively. Both contribute to adaptive functioning according to the demands placed upon the organism.

Similarly, the HPA axis plays an important role in responses to stress through the regulation of hormones, including cortisol. Cortisol is involved in energy metabolism, circadian regulation, immune processes, and adaptation to environmental demands. Consequently, lower cortisol concentrations should not automatically be interpreted as indicating better health. The relevance of a particular measurement depends upon factors such as timing, physiological context, baseline conditions, and the purpose of the response.

McEwen (2007) emphasised the central role of stress-related biological systems in adaptation while examining the potential consequences of excessive or prolonged regulatory demands. This perspective is particularly valuable in interpreting forest-bathing research because it discourages simplistic assumptions that a single physiological indicator can adequately represent an individual’s overall state of health or nervous system functioning.

Antonelli et al. (2019) conducted a systematic review and meta-analysis examining salivary cortisol responses associated with forest bathing. The review included 22 studies, eight of which contributed to the quantitative meta-analysis. The pooled findings indicated lower cortisol concentrations under forest conditions compared with urban comparison conditions, suggesting potentially favourable short-term stress-related responses.

However, the review identified important methodological complications. Cortisol concentrations differed between the forest and urban groups even before exposure in the pooled comparisons, complicating the attribution of subsequent differences exclusively to the immediate environmental experience. Such baseline differences may reflect participant characteristics, expectations, prior environmental exposure, or other factors unrelated to the intervention itself. The authors also reported substantial heterogeneity in post-intervention findings, indicating that the effects were not consistent across all included studies.

Heart rate variability is another commonly investigated physiological measure. It provides information about variation in the intervals between consecutive heartbeats and can contribute to the assessment of aspects of autonomic regulation. Nevertheless, heart rate variability is influenced by breathing patterns, posture, physical activity, age, health status, and measurement procedures. Interpretation therefore requires more precision than assuming that an increase necessarily demonstrates improved nervous system balance.

For example, an individual walking slowly through a forest and pausing regularly may display different cardiovascular or autonomic patterns from someone navigating a noisy urban street. These differences may reflect combinations of physical activity, environmental conditions, breathing, psychological appraisal, and attentional demands. Without suitable controls, the contribution of each element cannot be established.

The available findings provide scientific support for investigating the relationship between forest exposure and short-term physiological regulation. However, they do not justify universal claims that forest bathing restores autonomic balance, reduces cortisol in every individual, prevents stress-related illness, or produces comparable outcomes regardless of the conditions of exposure.

5.6. Phytoncides, Forest Atmospheres, and Biological Exposure

The potential biological significance of plant-derived airborne compounds represents another important direction within forest medicine research. As discussed in the preceding historical section, the concept of phytoncides emerged through research associated with Boris P. Tokin and subsequently became relevant to investigations of forest atmospheres and their possible relationships with human physiological functioning.

In contemporary scientific discussions, phytoncides are commonly associated with biologically active volatile compounds emitted by plants, including certain terpenes and related substances. However, forest atmospheres contain complex mixtures of compounds whose concentrations and compositions vary according to tree species, temperature, season, climatic conditions, and ecological characteristics. Their biological and ecological functions include participation in plant defence, chemical signalling, and interactions with other organisms.

Some laboratory investigations have demonstrated biological activities associated with particular plant-derived compounds, while studies within forest medicine have examined whether exposure to forest atmospheres may be related to changes in human immune or stress-related indicators. These different forms of evidence must nevertheless be distinguished because laboratory findings concerning isolated compounds do not necessarily demonstrate equivalent outcomes following ordinary environmental exposure.

Li (2010) reviewed investigations examining the relationship between forest bathing trips and measures of human immune functioning. The studies considered indicators including natural killer cell activity, selected immune cell populations, the expression of immune-related proteins, and urinary adrenaline concentrations. Some findings suggested increased natural killer cell activity following forest visits, with changes observed beyond the immediate exposure period.

These findings contributed to scientific interest in the possibility that forest environments might influence aspects of immune regulation. The investigators also considered potential relationships involving airborne plant-derived compounds and changes in stress-related hormonal activity. However, the interpretation of these findings requires several important qualifications.

First, changes in natural killer cell activity or other immune-related biomarkers do not demonstrate protection against cancer, infectious diseases, or other clinical conditions. Second, some early studies involved relatively small samples and particular exposure circumstances, limiting their generalisability. Third, because forest visits involve simultaneous exposure to multiple environmental and behavioural influences, observed immune-related changes cannot automatically be attributed to phytoncides or any other isolated atmospheric component.

The ecological significance of plant-derived compounds also deserves consideration. These compounds are not produced by trees for the purpose of improving human health; rather, they arise through biological processes involved in the functioning and survival of plants within ecological systems. Their potential influence on human physiology therefore represents one possible consequence of interactions between organisms and environmental conditions.

This distinction has broader implications for how the forest is conceptualised within therapeutic discourse. Scientific evidence may demonstrate biological interactions between human organisms and forest environments without establishing that forests intentionally produce therapeutic outcomes. Biological influence does not require purposeful healing agency.

Equally, the identification of potentially active airborne compounds should not encourage the reduction of forest experience to atmospheric chemistry alone. A forest encounter also includes visual, auditory, tactile, thermal, behavioural, psychological, and relational dimensions that may influence the overall experience. Research concerning phytoncides therefore contributes an important, but incomplete, perspective on the potential health-related effects of forest environments.

5.7. Psychological Outcomes: Mood, Anxiety, Depressive Symptoms, and Emotional Regulation

The psychological effects of forest exposure and nature-based activities have become a substantial focus of contemporary research. Investigations have examined perceived stress, anxiety, depressive symptoms, tension, fatigue, mood, emotional regulation, and related psychological outcomes. Although many studies report favourable findings, their interpretation requires attention to differences in intervention characteristics, participant populations, research designs, outcome measures, and the certainty of the underlying evidence.

Bratman et al. (2015) investigated the psychological and neural responses associated with a 90-minute walk in a natural environment compared with an urban setting. Participants assigned to the natural condition reported reduced rumination and exhibited changes in activity within a brain region implicated in self-referential thought processes. The findings suggested that nature exposure may influence cognitive and emotional processes relevant to psychological well-being. However, changes in rumination or neural activity following a single exposure do not establish that nature contact constitutes an effective treatment for depressive disorders.

Broader evidence concerning structured nature-based interventions was synthesised by Coventry et al. (2021), whose systematic review and meta-analysis included 50 studies. The interventions encompassed gardening, green exercise, and other structured outdoor activities. The review reported improvements in several psychological outcomes, including depressive mood, anxiety, and aspects of positive and negative affect. Nevertheless, the considerable diversity in intervention content, duration, study design, and participant characteristics complicates the identification of common mechanisms.

This distinction is particularly important when evidence from broad nature-based intervention research is used to support claims concerning forest therapy. Although different activities may share exposure to natural environments, their psychological and behavioural components may differ substantially. Improvements observed after gardening, physical exercise, or community-based outdoor activities cannot automatically be attributed to forest environmental exposure alone.

More specifically, Qin et al. (2026) conducted a systematic review and meta-analysis of forest therapy interventions examining psychological stress, depressive symptoms, and anxiety. The review included 25 studies involving 1,876 participants and reported pooled standardised mean differences of approximately −0.71 for stress, −0.68 for depressive symptoms, and −0.77 for anxiety symptoms. These findings suggest potentially meaningful psychological benefits across the included interventions.

However, substantial heterogeneity was identified, with I² values exceeding 74%. The certainty of evidence was rated moderate for psychological stress and low for depressive and anxiety symptoms. Furthermore, the review relied on validated self-report measures rather than establishing corresponding physiological changes across all included participants. The findings therefore support further investigation but should not be interpreted as providing definitive evidence of clinical treatment efficacy.

A second systematic review and meta-analysis published in 2026 illustrates the importance of distinguishing favourable outcomes from confidence in the evidence. Andrade et al. (2026) examined short-term cardiovascular and mental health responses to Shinrin-Yoku across 11 studies. Although the review reported favourable findings for outcomes including heart rate, tension–anxiety, and depressive mood, the overall certainty of evidence was classified as very low, primarily because of risk of bias, inconsistency, and imprecision.

These differences between reviews are scientifically important. Statistically significant pooled findings do not necessarily indicate that the evidence is methodologically robust, clinically meaningful, or sufficiently consistent to justify universal recommendations. Differences in eligibility criteria, outcome measurements, intervention characteristics, and statistical approaches may also contribute to variation among review conclusions.

Table 5.2. Selected Evidence Concerning Psychological Outcomes Following Nature-Based and Forest-Based Activities

Study

Research focus

Main findings

Important limitations

Bratman et al. (2015)

Natural versus urban walking

Reduced rumination and changes in neural activity following nature exposure

Short-term findings do not establish treatment efficacy for depressive disorders

Coventry et al. (2021)

Systematic review of 50 studies of structured outdoor nature-based activities

Improvements in depressive mood, anxiety, and affective outcomes

Interventions were heterogeneous and included activities beyond forest exposure

Qin et al. (2026)

Meta-analysis of 25 forest therapy studies involving 1,876 participants

Pooled reductions in stress, depressive symptoms, and anxiety

Substantial heterogeneity; moderate certainty for stress and low certainty for depressive and anxiety symptoms

Andrade et al. (2026)

Review of 11 studies examining short-term Shinrin-Yoku outcomes

Favourable findings for selected cardiovascular and psychological indicators

Overall certainty of evidence was very low

Note. These findings concern different interventions, populations, measurements, and levels of evidence certainty. The existence of favourable results does not imply equivalent effectiveness across all forms of forest engagement.

Taken together, the literature supports the potential value of forest-based experiences as complementary approaches to psychological well-being. However, the evidence does not establish that every forest experience produces comparable psychological outcomes, that all reported improvements are clinically significant, or that professionally organised interventions necessarily outperform independent nature engagement. More precise research is needed to determine which components contribute to particular outcomes and under what conditions these effects may persist.

5.8. Everyday Nature Recreation and Mental Health

An important limitation of research focusing primarily on professionally organised forest therapy is that it may overlook the potential significance of ordinary nature engagement. Individuals frequently visit forests, parks, gardens, and other natural environments without defining their activities as therapeutic or participating in structured interventions. Nevertheless, these experiences may still be relevant to psychological functioning and subjective well-being.

Rosa et al. (2025) investigated associations between nature-based recreation and depressive symptoms in a cross-sectional study involving 1,492 adults from the United States, Spain, and Brazil. The study examined different forms of nature-based recreational engagement, including forest activities, gardening, and nature-based adventure. Participants reporting recreational engagement at least monthly generally exhibited fewer depressive symptoms than those participating less frequently.

The investigators also reported that individuals who did not engage in any nature-based recreational activity at least monthly had a 73% higher prevalence of PHQ-9 scores of 10 or greater compared with participants who engaged in such activities at least monthly. This finding suggests a potentially important association between everyday nature recreation and depressive symptom burden.

However, the cross-sectional design does not permit conclusions concerning causality. Individuals experiencing depressive symptoms may have reduced motivation, fewer opportunities, or greater difficulty participating in recreational activities. Conversely, nature-based recreation may contribute to psychological well-being. Both relationships may operate simultaneously, potentially alongside other social, economic, environmental, and behavioural influences.

The significance of the study therefore lies not in demonstrating that ordinary nature recreation treats depression, but in extending the discussion beyond formally organised interventions. It suggests that associations between nature engagement and psychological functioning may also be present within activities undertaken independently and for purposes unrelated to therapy.

This distinction has implications for understanding the contribution of professional guidance. If independent engagement with natural environments is associated with aspects of well-being, it would be inappropriate to assume that the entire therapeutic value of a professionally guided forest experience originates from its structure or facilitator. A guide may introduce additional opportunities for learning, attention, reflection, social interaction, or support, but these contributions must be evaluated in relation to the potential influences already present within the environment and the participant’s own engagement.

5.9. The Forest as a Dynamic and Multisensory Environment

Forest environments provide complex combinations of visual, auditory, olfactory, tactile, thermal, spatial, and other sensory conditions. Vegetation produces changing patterns of form, colour, movement, and contrast, while the surrounding acoustic environment may include birdsong, insects, flowing water, wind, and other biological or physical sounds. Forest atmospheres contain mixtures of airborne compounds, and variations in temperature, humidity, light, terrain, and canopy structure influence bodily and perceptual experience.

These environmental components do not operate in isolation. The experience of hearing birdsong, for example, may be influenced by the surrounding landscape, perceived safety, familiarity with the sound, personal memories, and the presence of competing noises. Similarly, the scent of vegetation may evoke different emotional responses according to cultural associations and previous experiences. The same environmental stimulus may therefore contribute to different experiences among individuals, even when exposure occurs under similar physical conditions.

Forest environments also vary considerably in their ecological characteristics. Dense evergreen forests, open woodlands, subtropical forests, temperate deciduous forests, and urban forest parks may differ in vegetation structure, biodiversity, microclimate, acoustic conditions, accessibility, and levels of human disturbance. Seasonal and weather-related changes introduce further variation, meaning that the same forest may provide substantially different environmental conditions during different periods of the year.

Consequently, the expression forest exposure does not identify one uniform environmental experience. Two studies may classify their interventions as forest bathing while exposing participants to environments that differ substantially in ecological characteristics, sensory conditions, and environmental demands. These differences may influence outcomes, although their relative contributions often remain insufficiently investigated.

This variability complicates attempts to establish standardised relationships between forest exposure and particular health outcomes. Unlike a precisely controlled clinical substance, a forest cannot be administered under identical environmental conditions across all individuals and settings. The forest is a dynamic ecological environment within which human biological, psychological, behavioural, and social processes unfold.

Recognising environmental variability does not diminish the potential value of forests for human well-being. Rather, it encourages more accurate descriptions of environmental conditions and greater attention to the possibility that different settings support different forms of experience. The scientific challenge is to investigate the characteristics and combinations of conditions associated with particular outcomes without assuming that all forests possess equivalent therapeutic properties.

5.10. Sensory Reception, Conscious Attention, and the Meaning of Sensory Engagement

The expression engaging the senses is frequently used in Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy education. Guides may invite participants to listen to surrounding sounds, observe changes in light, feel different textures, become aware of the surrounding air, or attend to bodily sensations while walking or remaining still. Such invitations are commonly intended to encourage a more attentive relationship with the environment.

However, the terminology requires conceptual clarification. Human sensory systems continuously receive and process information from the external environment and the body itself. Vision, hearing, olfaction, touch, proprioception, vestibular perception, and interoception contribute to ongoing perception and physiological regulation. These processes do not begin when individuals consciously direct attention toward them.

A person sitting quietly in a forest continues to receive auditory, visual, thermal, and other sensory information even when attention is occupied by thoughts, memories, or concerns. Environmental conditions may also influence physiological processes without becoming the primary object of conscious awareness. Variations in ambient temperature, for example, may contribute to thermoregulatory responses without deliberate observation, while auditory information may continue to be processed when attention is directed elsewhere.

This does not imply that every stimulus produces a significant physiological effect or that non-conscious processing necessarily leads to therapeutic outcomes. Rather, it establishes that sensory reception, conscious attention, and therapeutic response are different processes that should not be treated as equivalent.

A guided sensory invitation therefore does not activate sensory systems that were previously inactive. Instead, it may influence the direction, duration, selectivity, and interpretation of attention. For example, a participant may hear birdsong without deliberately attending to it, subsequently focus consciously on the sound following an invitation, and then experience a memory or emotional association related to it. Although these processes may occur in close succession, they represent distinguishable dimensions of human experience.

Table 5.3. Distinguishing Sensory Reception, Conscious Attention, Interpretation, and Emotional Response

Process

Description

Example during forest exposure

Potential contribution of guidance

Sensory reception

Detection and processing of information from the environment and body

Hearing forest sounds or experiencing changes in temperature

Guidance is not required for ordinary sensory reception

Conscious attention

Selective orientation toward particular features of experience

Deliberately listening to birdsong or observing moving leaves

Invitations may redirect or sustain attention

Interpretation and meaning

Attribution of significance through perception, memory, and context

Associating a particular tree or sound with a personal memory

Reflection may create opportunities for meaning-making

Emotional response

Affective experience arising through interactions among perception, appraisal, memory, and context

Feeling calm, discomfort, gratitude, sadness, or curiosity

Facilitation may support recognition and reflection but cannot prescribe emotional outcomes

Note. These processes may interact continuously. The table distinguishes their conceptual roles rather than suggesting a fixed or universal sequence.

The distinction between sensory reception and conscious attention has particular relevance to claims concerning the mechanisms of forest bathing. If environmental conditions can influence certain physiological processes without deliberate attentional activity, then the effects of forest exposure cannot automatically be attributed to structured sensory exercises. At the same time, conscious attention may contribute additional experiential dimensions, including greater awareness of environmental detail, opportunities for contemplation, emotional recognition, and changes in personal meaning.

The relevant scientific question is therefore not merely whether sensory invitations can be beneficial, but whether they produce outcomes that differ from, extend beyond, or interact with those associated with environmental exposure alone. This question requires appropriate comparison conditions and clear distinctions between physiological, psychological, and experiential outcomes. It remains insufficiently resolved across the full range of outcomes commonly associated with Shinrin-Yoku.

5.11. Nature Contact and Nature Connectedness: Related but Distinct Concepts

Another important distinction concerns the relationship between exposure to natural environments and the development of nature connectedness. Although these concepts are frequently discussed together, they refer to different dimensions of human relationships with the natural world.

Nature contact broadly describes exposure to, or interaction with, natural environments and elements. It may involve walking through forests, observing vegetation, gardening, spending time in parks, or encountering natural features within everyday surroundings. Nature connectedness, by contrast, concerns an individual’s perceived relationship with nature, including emotional affiliation, identity, meaning, and a sense of belonging.

These dimensions may influence one another, but they are not interchangeable. An individual may spend considerable time outdoors without developing a strong emotional relationship with the natural world. Conversely, someone with limited opportunities to visit forests may experience substantial nature connectedness through memories, cultural traditions, gardening, observation, or relationships with particular places and organisms.

Lumber et al. (2017) identified contact, emotion, meaning, compassion, and beauty as important pathways associated with the development of nature connectedness. Their findings suggest that the quality and character of engagement may be relevant alongside the frequency or duration of nature contact. Consequently, approaches that encourage emotional engagement, recognition of beauty, reflection, and personal meaning may contribute to aspects of connectedness that are not necessarily captured by measurements of environmental exposure alone.

This perspective is particularly relevant to professionally guided Shinrin-Yoku sessions, which may intentionally provide opportunities for participants to observe environmental details, reflect upon emotional responses, and explore their perceived relationship with nature. However, such processes are not exclusive to professional guidance. Individuals may experience meaningful encounters spontaneously, develop attachments to familiar places through repeated visits, or cultivate nature connectedness through independent contemplative practices.

The distinction also has implications for research examining physiological restoration. A brief forest visit may be associated with favourable changes in stress-related indicators without necessarily producing a lasting increase in nature connectedness. Conversely, an individual may maintain a profound relationship with a particular forest while experiencing discomfort, sadness, or heightened alertness during certain visits.

Physiological restoration and nature connectedness should therefore be treated as related but distinct potential outcomes. Neither can be assumed to demonstrate the other, and their relationship requires investigation rather than conceptual equivalence.

5.12. Horizontal and Vertical Dimensions of Forest Engagement

Building upon the distinction between nature contact and nature connectedness, Guziak (2026) proposed horizontal and vertical dimensions of forest engagement as a conceptual framework for examining differences in continuity and subjective experience. This distinction is intended as a heuristic model for organising inquiry rather than an established physiological classification or validated measure of therapeutic effectiveness.

The horizontal dimension concerns the frequency, continuity, and integration of forest engagement into everyday life. It includes how often individuals visit natural environments, whether access is available throughout ordinary routines, and how patterns of contact develop over time. Repeated exposure may create opportunities for physical movement, familiarity, environmental learning, and the development of habitual relationships with particular places.

The vertical dimension concerns the perceived depth and quality of an encounter, including conscious attention, contemplation, emotional engagement, personal meaning, and nature connectedness. An experience may become subjectively significant through reflection, perceived beauty, memory, curiosity, or an altered sense of relationship with the surrounding environment.

These dimensions may interact, but neither necessarily determines the other. An individual may visit a forest every day while primarily engaging in physical exercise or practical activities, whereas another person may experience a deeply meaningful encounter during a relatively brief visit. Both forms of engagement may be valuable, but the nature of their possible contributions differs.

Regular forest contact may provide repeated opportunities for movement, environmental exposure, and psychological respite. A subjectively meaningful encounter may contribute to emotional reflection, personal interpretation, or a developing relationship with nature. However, it would be scientifically premature to assume that greater subjective depth necessarily produces larger physiological benefits or that frequent exposure always generates stronger nature connectedness.

The distinction is therefore relevant partly because it allows different outcomes to be examined without establishing a hierarchy of experiences. Some physiological responses may occur following relatively brief exposure under particular environmental conditions. Other outcomes, including place attachment, enduring nature connectedness, and patterns of self-directed engagement, may develop through repeated experiences and personal significance.

This framework also generates questions concerning professional guidance. A guide may support a participant in approaching a familiar environment differently, developing confidence, or exploring personal meaning without necessarily producing stronger immediate physiological changes than an independent visit. Similarly, repeated unguided visits may contribute substantially to an individual’s relationship with nature without requiring structured intervention.

The relationship between the horizontal and vertical dimensions remains an empirical question. Their conceptual value lies in encouraging researchers and practitioners to distinguish frequency of contact from perceived depth of experience, while recognising that different patterns of engagement may be associated with different forms of well-being.

5.13. Guided and Unguided Forest Experiences: What Does Guidance Change?

The distinction between guided and unguided forest engagement is central to understanding the additional contribution of professional facilitation. If certain psychological and physiological responses may arise during independent forest exposure, it becomes necessary to investigate whether guidance produces different outcomes, influences different experiential processes, or primarily modifies how participants encounter the environment.

Kim and Shin (2021) compared guided and self-guided forest therapy experiences among 37 university students. Through analysis of participants’ written reflections, the researchers identified both shared sensory themes and differences in the character of reported experiences. Participants in the self-guided condition more frequently described introspective experiences, whereas those in the guided condition more frequently reported emotional changes and social interaction.

These findings suggest that guidance may influence particular experiential dimensions of forest engagement. A professionally facilitated session may direct attention toward selected activities, create opportunities for group interaction, or encourage forms of emotional reflection that differ from those emerging during independent visits. However, because the study relied on written reflections, it did not establish that guided experiences produced superior physiological responses or clinical outcomes.

Zhang et al. (2026) conducted a pilot study comparing therapist-guided forest bathing, unguided forest exposure, and an urban outdoor comparison activity among graduate students in Beijing. The study examined changes in emotional states following three-hour outdoor experiences. Forest conditions generally demonstrated favourable patterns relative to the urban comparison condition, but the investigators did not identify a statistically significant additional short-term emotional benefit associated with therapist-guided exposure compared with unguided forest exposure.

The final analysis included only 26 participants, and the findings must therefore be interpreted as preliminary. Importantly, a statistically nonsignificant difference does not establish equivalence between the interventions or demonstrate that guidance has no additional value. Small samples may lack the statistical power required to detect differences, and the selected measurements may not adequately capture all potentially relevant contributions of professional facilitation.

Nevertheless, the study raises an important question concerning assumptions frequently encountered within forest therapy discourse. The presence of professional structure should not automatically be interpreted as evidence that an experience produces greater therapeutic effects than independent engagement. Whether additional benefits occur depends upon the outcomes measured, the characteristics of participants, the activities introduced, and the nature of the comparison condition.

Professional guidance may contribute through environmental preparation, safety assessment, accessibility, informed participation, attentional invitations, reflective opportunities, social interaction, and support for individuals unfamiliar with forest environments. Conversely, unguided experiences may allow greater autonomy, spontaneous exploration, independent contemplation, and flexibility in pacing.

These potential contributions are not mutually exclusive, nor do they establish that one modality is universally preferable. The value of guidance may depend upon individual needs, circumstances, preferences, and intended outcomes. For some participants, facilitation may increase confidence or support accessibility. For others, self-directed engagement may provide greater freedom and a stronger sense of personal agency.

Research concerning guided and unguided experiences therefore needs to move beyond a simple comparison of which approach is more effective. It should investigate what professional guidance changes, for whom those changes may be relevant, and whether they produce measurable differences in physiological, psychological, experiential, relational, or longer-term outcomes.

5.14. The Forest, the Participant, and the Problem of Therapeutic Attribution

The evidence reviewed throughout this section demonstrates the difficulty of attributing therapeutic outcomes to a single element of forest engagement. Human experiences in forests arise through interactions among environmental conditions, biological processes, attention, emotion, physical activity, social context, personal history, and interpretation. Although these influences may be distinguished conceptually, they often remain closely interconnected within lived experience.

Consider an individual who enters a forest feeling mentally fatigued, begins walking, observes surrounding vegetation, becomes absorbed in thought, pauses to watch a bird, and subsequently experiences a change in emotional state. The change may be associated with physical movement, environmental conditions, an opportunity for rest, an attentional shift, a personal association, or several interacting processes. Without an appropriate experimental design, it is difficult to determine their relative contributions.

Professionally guided experiences introduce additional elements. A guide may select a route, assess environmental risks, establish expectations, provide information, introduce invitations, coordinate group activities, or encourage reflection. Participants may respond differently to the same activity, however, because their experiences are influenced by individual circumstances and personal histories.

A particular natural sound may evoke calm in one participant while producing discomfort in another. A period of silence may encourage introspection for one individual but increase self-consciousness or anxiety for someone else. A guide may respond by adapting an activity, altering its duration, or providing additional support, thereby further modifying the conditions of the encounter.

Consequently, the therapeutic character of a guided forest experience cannot be understood exclusively through the environment or exclusively through professional facilitation. The forest provides environmental conditions; the participant contributes biological responsiveness, perception, behaviour, interpretation, and personal history; the guide contributes preparation and facilitation; and other participants may influence the experience through their presence and social interaction.

At the same time, acknowledging the role of the environment does not require assigning intentional therapeutic agency to the forest. Forests do not assess individual health needs, establish clinical objectives, select interventions, or deliberately regulate human physiology. They contain environmental conditions within which human biological and psychological processes may occur.

Likewise, the presence of a professional guide does not establish that every beneficial process within a session originates from professional intervention. A facilitator may create opportunities for particular forms of engagement, but the participant’s physiological responses, attentional processes, emotional experiences, and interpretations remain integral to the encounter.

A relational understanding of therapeutic experience therefore does not imply that causal attribution is impossible or that every contributing component is equally influential. Rather, it recognises that different elements may operate together and that their relative contributions require systematic investigation.

This perspective also calls for conceptual precision in the use of the term therapeutic. An experience may be perceived as meaningful, calming, restorative, or supportive of well-being without necessarily constituting a clinically validated treatment. The subjective therapeutic significance of an encounter and its demonstrated clinical efficacy represent different forms of evidence and should not be conflated.

5.15. Methodological Limitations and the Interpretation of Forest Therapy Research

Despite substantial growth in forest-related health research, several methodological challenges continue to limit the strength and generalisability of conclusions. These limitations do not invalidate the field, but they require careful interpretation of reported findings and greater precision in the design of future studies.

One central challenge concerns intervention heterogeneity. Studies described as forest bathing or forest therapy may investigate short walks, seated viewing, guided sensory activities, contemplative practices, multi-day forest visits, or repeated programmes extending across several weeks. These activities may differ substantially in duration, physical demands, professional involvement, social interaction, and intended outcomes. Consequently, combining their findings under a single intervention category may obscure important differences.

Environmental heterogeneity introduces another challenge. Forest settings vary in vegetation, biodiversity, temperature, humidity, acoustic characteristics, air quality, terrain, accessibility, and levels of human disturbance. Comparisons between forest and urban environments may therefore involve numerous simultaneous differences, making it difficult to isolate the influence of specific environmental components.

Participant characteristics also affect interpretation. Age, health status, previous nature experience, cultural background, expectations, sensory preferences, and familiarity with particular environments may influence responses. Research involving relatively healthy university students cannot automatically be generalised to individuals experiencing chronic illness, older adults, children, or populations with different environmental circumstances.

A further limitation concerns the duration of observation. Many studies measure physiological or psychological outcomes immediately before and after relatively short experiences. Although such measurements may identify acute changes, they do not establish whether effects persist, whether repeated participation produces cumulative benefits, or whether observed differences translate into improved long-term functioning.

Blinding is also particularly difficult in environmental research. Participants generally recognise whether they are visiting a forest or an urban location, and expectations concerning the benefits of nature may influence their responses, particularly when outcomes rely on self-report measures. Such expectations do not necessarily invalidate a finding, but they complicate causal interpretation and require suitable methodological consideration.

Perhaps most importantly, forest-based studies frequently combine several potentially influential components. Walking, rest, sensory exposure, professional facilitation, meditation, and social interaction may occur simultaneously. Unless comparison conditions are designed to isolate particular elements, it remains uncertain which components contributed to the observed outcome.

Table 5.4. Major Methodological Challenges in Forest Therapy Research and Their Implications

Methodological challenge

Implication for interpretation

Consideration for future research

Variation in intervention characteristics

Studies may compare substantially different experiences under the same terminology

Clearly report activities, structure, duration, frequency, and facilitation

Environmental heterogeneity

Outcomes may reflect multiple differences between environmental settings

Describe ecological and physical characteristics of exposure locations

Limited participant diversity

Results may not generalise across ages, health conditions, or cultural contexts

Include more diverse participant populations

Short-term measurement

Immediate changes do not establish sustained health benefits

Incorporate longitudinal follow-up

Expectation effects and limited blinding

Awareness of environmental conditions may influence responses

Measure expectations and improve comparison procedures

Multiple simultaneous intervention components

Effects cannot readily be attributed to a particular mechanism

Compare environmental exposure, activity, guidance, and social components separately

Differences in outcome measures

Studies may appear inconsistent because they assess different constructs

Use validated measures appropriate to clearly defined outcomes

Small samples and methodological bias

Effect estimates may be imprecise or uncertain

Conduct adequately powered and methodologically rigorous studies

These limitations also highlight the need to distinguish several levels of scientific inference. Evidence that forest exposure is associated with improved well-being is not equivalent to evidence that the environment caused the improvement. Evidence of a short-term physiological change does not necessarily demonstrate a clinically meaningful outcome. Similarly, evidence that a guided programme is followed by favourable changes does not establish that professional guidance was the component responsible.

Future research would benefit from designs capable of comparing guided forest experiences, unguided forest exposure, appropriate non-forest activities, and different combinations of attentional or social components. Such comparisons may help clarify whether professional facilitation contributes additional effects, whether those effects depend upon participant characteristics, and whether differences are evident in physiological measurements, psychological outcomes, subjective meaning, or longer-term patterns of engagement.

Greater methodological precision should not be understood as an attempt to reduce the complexity of forest experience to isolated variables alone. Rather, it provides a means of investigating which aspects of a complex encounter contribute to particular outcomes while recognising that experimental findings may not fully capture its experiential richness.

5.16. From Forest Exposure to Everyday Health and Public Access

The significance of research concerning forests and human health extends beyond the development of professionally organised interventions. If certain natural environments may support aspects of psychological and physiological well-being through ordinary forms of exposure, then questions concerning accessibility, environmental quality, and opportunities for everyday contact become central.

White et al. (2019) analysed data from 19,806 adults in England and reported that spending at least 120 minutes per week in nature was associated with a greater likelihood of reporting good health and high well-being. Although this finding attracted considerable attention, the observational design does not establish causality or demonstrate that 120 minutes represents a universally effective threshold. The association may reflect interacting influences involving individual characteristics, lifestyle, environmental access, and other circumstances.

Nevertheless, the study contributes to a broader understanding of nature contact as a potentially relevant component of everyday living conditions. Forests, parks, gardens, and other green environments may provide opportunities for physical activity, solitude, social interaction, attentional restoration, and meaningful engagement without necessarily requiring formal therapeutic organisation.

An individual may develop a routine of visiting a familiar park, walking through nearby woodland, sitting beneath a tree, or observing seasonal changes. These activities may be undertaken for recreation, curiosity, companionship, contemplation, or personal enjoyment rather than for an explicitly therapeutic purpose. Their potential contribution to well-being does not necessarily depend upon professional supervision.

However, access to natural environments is not equally distributed. Geographical location, financial resources, transport availability, mobility, environmental safety, working conditions, and the accessibility of suitable spaces may influence opportunities for regular nature contact. Consequently, the potential contribution of forests to population-level health cannot be considered independently of social and environmental inequalities.

Professional and community-based programmes may help address some barriers by providing information, accessible activities, organised opportunities, or supportive social environments. Their contribution may be particularly relevant for individuals who feel uncertain about entering unfamiliar natural settings or who benefit from assistance in participating safely.

Nevertheless, improving access to nature should not be understood exclusively through the expansion of therapeutic services. Urban planning, environmental protection, public transport, accessible pathways, community education, and the preservation of local green spaces may also play essential roles in supporting opportunities for engagement.

This raises an important question concerning the future direction of forest therapy and related practices. If ordinary nature contact may contribute to aspects of well-being, should the development of the field focus exclusively on refining professionally guided programmes, or should it also contribute to creating conditions in which more people can establish meaningful and sustained relationships with natural environments?

These objectives are not mutually exclusive, but they reflect different approaches. One emphasises professional organisation and the investigation of specific interventions, while the other addresses the broader environmental and social conditions that enable nature engagement to become part of everyday life.

5.17. Synthesis: What Does the Evidence Ultimately Establish?

The scientific literature reviewed in this section provides credible support for the proposition that certain natural and forest environments may contribute to aspects of human psychological and physiological functioning. Experimental studies have identified differences between selected forest and urban conditions, including changes in attention, perceived stress, mood, and physiological indicators associated with stress regulation. Systematic reviews and meta-analyses have also reported favourable psychological outcomes following forest-based and broader nature-based interventions, although the magnitude, consistency, methodological quality, and certainty of evidence vary considerably.

These findings are important, but they do not establish that all forests are uniformly therapeutic or that every individual experiences equivalent benefits. Neither do they demonstrate that short-term improvements necessarily translate into long-term clinical outcomes. The evidence is more appropriately understood as supporting the investigation of forests as environments containing multiple conditions that may contribute to human well-being under particular circumstances.

A central implication of the reviewed research is that therapeutic outcomes cannot be adequately explained through a single environmental mechanism. Physiological regulation, attentional processes, emotional appraisal, physical activity, sensory exposure, social relationships, and personal meaning may all contribute to an individual’s experience. Their relative importance may vary according to environmental conditions, participant characteristics, previous experiences, and the purpose of the encounter.

The relationship between sensory reception and conscious attention deserves particular emphasis. Individuals do not need to consciously notice every environmental stimulus for their sensory and physiological systems to respond to surrounding conditions. Likewise, a structured sensory invitation is not necessary for an individual to encounter the sounds, light, temperature, and atmosphere of a forest. Nevertheless, deliberate attention may influence how environmental information is perceived, interpreted, remembered, and integrated into personal experience.

These physiological and experiential dimensions are related, but they are not identical. A forest environment may contribute to particular short-term physiological responses without producing profound subjective meaning, while a deeply meaningful experience may occur without measurable improvement in selected physiological indicators. Neither possibility invalidates the other; rather, both demonstrate the importance of defining outcomes precisely.

The contribution of professional guidance must be considered within this broader context. A guide may support safety, accessibility, attentional exploration, emotional reflection, social participation, and the development of confidence or connectedness. However, these contributions should not be confused with the environmental and biological processes that may also occur during independent forest engagement. Evidence demonstrating favourable outcomes following guided sessions cannot, by itself, establish that the effects originated primarily from the guide or the structure of the intervention.

At the same time, the available comparisons between guided and unguided experiences remain too limited to support universal conclusions concerning their relative effectiveness. The absence of statistically significant differences in small studies does not demonstrate that guidance is ineffective, just as positive outcomes following guided activities do not establish its additional efficacy. More rigorous comparisons are needed to examine which contributions guidance may introduce, which participants may benefit, and which outcomes are most relevant.

The distinction between therapeutic potential and clinical efficacy is equally important. Forest experiences may be restorative, emotionally meaningful, or supportive of subjective well-being without constituting clinically validated treatments. The designation of an experience as therapy does not itself establish its effectiveness, just as the absence of therapeutic terminology does not prevent individuals from experiencing meaningful or beneficial changes.

A forest is not a clinical practitioner and does not possess an intention to treat human illness. It is a dynamic ecological environment containing physical, biological, and sensory conditions that may influence human functioning. The participant contributes through biological responsiveness, perception, behaviour, interpretation, and personal history. A professional guide, when present, may contribute through preparation, facilitation, and the creation of opportunities for particular forms of engagement. Other participants may influence the experience through interpersonal relationships and shared activity.

From this perspective, the therapeutic character of a forest encounter may be better understood as an emerging property of relationships among environmental conditions, human processes, and context rather than as an effect belonging exclusively to one component.

This interpretation does not deny the possibility of identifying specific causal mechanisms. Rather, it recognises that the presence of multiple interacting elements requires more precise investigation before particular effects can be attributed to a forest characteristic, a participant’s activity, or a professional intervention.

The conceptual distinction introduced through the horizontal and vertical dimensions of forest engagement further broadens this inquiry. Repeated contact with nature and the subjective depth of individual encounters may contribute to different dimensions of human well-being. Neither should automatically be regarded as superior, and their relationships with physiological and psychological outcomes remain open to empirical investigation.

For research, the challenge is therefore to distinguish the effects of environmental exposure from those associated with physical activity, conscious attention, emotional interpretation, social interaction, and professional facilitation. For practitioners, the challenge is to recognise both the potential contribution of the environment and the limits of professional influence, while maintaining ethical responsibility and sensitivity to individual differences.

Perhaps the forest does not become therapeutic simply because an encounter with it is professionally organised. Rather, professional organisation may represent one among several ways through which human beings access, experience, and interpret the potential influences of natural environments.

This proposition leaves an important question unresolved. If an individual experiences physiological restoration while sitting quietly beneath a tree, should the therapeutic contribution be attributed primarily to the forest, the individual’s biological capacity for regulation, the circumstances allowing rest, or the relationship among these elements? Furthermore, when a guide introduces an invitation to observe the same tree, does the invitation generate an additional therapeutic effect, or does it modify the participant’s attention, interpretation, and subsequent experience of processes that were already occurring?

The available evidence does not yet provide a universal answer to these questions. Their significance lies in revealing why forest therapy cannot be adequately understood through professional structure, environmental exposure, or subjective experience alone.

A more comprehensive understanding recognises that forests may offer opportunities for physiological regulation, psychological restoration, personal connection, and meaning through multiple forms of engagement. Some responses may arise through relatively passive exposure, while others may involve conscious attention, physical movement, social relationships, or sustained personal involvement. Professional guidance may support particular pathways, but it does not possess exclusive authority over the potential benefits of nature engagement.

The forest may contribute to human well-being without being called therapy, just as an individual may experience something meaningful in nature without seeking a therapeutic outcome.

Recognising this possibility does not diminish the scientific importance of Shinrin-Yoku research or the potential contribution of professional practice. Instead, it broadens the questions that both research and practice must be willing to examine.

The discussion therefore extends beyond whether forests can produce beneficial effects toward a more complex consideration of which environmental, biological, psychological, behavioural, and relational processes contribute to those effects, under what circumstances they occur, and how professionally organised experiences may influence an encounter that remains fundamentally relational.

References

Andrade, A. M., Durães, S. F., Franco Netto, L. C. R., Fenner, A. L. D., Carvalho, M. A. B., & Franco Netto, G. (2026). Short-term cardiovascular and mental health responses to Shinrin-Yoku (forest bathing): A systematic review and meta-analysis. Frontiers in Psychology, 17, Article 1707829. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2026.1707829

Antonelli, M., Barbieri, G., & Donelli, D. (2019). Effects of forest bathing (Shinrin-Yoku) on levels of cortisol as a stress biomarker: A systematic review and meta-analysis. International Journal of Biometeorology, 63(8), 1117–1134. https://doi.org/10.1007/s00484-019-01717-x

Berman, M. G., Jonides, J., & Kaplan, S. (2008). The cognitive benefits of interacting with nature. Psychological Science, 19(12), 1207–1212. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9280.2008.02225.x

Bratman, G. N., Hamilton, J. P., Hahn, K. S., Daily, G. C., & Gross, J. J. (2015). Nature experience reduces rumination and subgenual prefrontal cortex activation. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 112(28), 8567–8572. https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1510459112

Coventry, P. A., Brown, J. V. E., Pervin, J., Brabyn, S., Pateman, R., Breedvelt, J., Gilbody, S., Stancliffe, R., McEachan, R., & White, P. C. L. (2021). Nature-based outdoor activities for mental and physical health: Systematic review and meta-analysis. SSM – Population Health, 16, Article 100934. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ssmph.2021.100934

Guziak, M. A. (2026). Spending time in the forest: Modalities of engagement, connection, and care. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI3202602-EN-2

Hartig, T., Mitchell, R., de Vries, S., & Frumkin, H. (2014). Nature and health. Annual Review of Public Health, 35, 207–228. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-publhealth-032013-182443

Kaplan, S. (1995). The restorative benefits of nature: Toward an integrative framework. Journal of Environmental Psychology, 15(3), 169–182. https://doi.org/10.1016/0272-4944(95)90001-2

Kim, J.-G., & Shin, W.-S. (2021). Forest therapy alone or with a guide: Is there a difference between self-guided forest therapy and guided forest therapy programs? International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 18(13), Article 6957. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18136957

Kuo, M. (2015). How might contact with nature promote human health? Promising mechanisms and a possible central pathway. Frontiers in Psychology, 6, Article 1093. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2015.01093

Li, Q. (2010). Effect of forest bathing trips on human immune function. Environmental Health and Preventive Medicine, 15(1), 9–17. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12199-008-0068-3

Lumber, R., Richardson, M., & Sheffield, D. (2017). Beyond knowing nature: Contact, emotion, compassion, meaning, and beauty are pathways to nature connection. PLOS ONE, 12(5), Article e0177186. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0177186

McEwen, B. S. (2007). Physiology and neurobiology of stress and adaptation: Central role of the brain. Physiological Reviews, 87(3), 873–904. https://doi.org/10.1152/physrev.00041.2006

Park, B.-J., Tsunetsugu, Y., Kasetani, T., Kagawa, T., & Miyazaki, Y. (2010). The physiological effects of Shinrin-Yoku (taking in the forest atmosphere or forest bathing): Evidence from field experiments in 24 forests across Japan. Environmental Health and Preventive Medicine, 15(1), 18–26. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12199-009-0086-9

Qin, G., Yang, J., Liu, F., Zhang, Z., & Pan, C. (2026). Forest therapy for psychological stress and emotional disorders: A systematic review and meta-analysis. BMC Public Health, 26, Article 1736. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-026-27255-x

Rosa, C. D., Larson, L. R., Collado, S., Geiger, S. J., Profice, C. C., & Menuchi, M. R. T. P. (2025). Associations between depression and nature-based recreation: A cross-sectional study of adults in the United States, Spain, and Brazil. Scientific Reports, 15, Article 4910. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-025-89156-0

Ulrich, R. S. (1984). View through a window may influence recovery from surgery. Science, 224(4647), 420–421. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.6143402

Ulrich, R. S., Simons, R. F., Losito, B. D., Fiorito, E., Miles, M. A., & Zelson, M. (1991). Stress recovery during exposure to natural and urban environments. Journal of Environmental Psychology, 11(3), 201–230. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0272-4944(05)80184-7

White, M. P., Alcock, I., Grellier, J., Wheeler, B. W., Hartig, T., Warber, S. L., Bone, A., Depledge, M. H., & Fleming, L. E. (2019). Spending at least 120 minutes a week in nature is associated with good health and wellbeing. Scientific Reports, 9, Article 7730. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-019-44097-3

Zhang, Z., Gao, Y., Huang, X., & Ye, B. (2026). Comparing guided and unguided forest bathing for graduate student stress management: A pilot study. Frontiers in Psychology, 17, Article 1759571. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2026.1759571

Research Article · Section 06

Who Is the Therapeutic Agent?

In forest-based experiences, therapeutic effects cannot necessarily be attributed to one person, activity, or environmental element. The experience develops through relationships among natural conditions, individual participation, professional facilitation, and social context.

Is the forest healing us, is the guide facilitating change, or is the participant actively creating the conditions through which an experience becomes therapeutic?
01 / Conceptual framework

Four contributors. One relational experience.

Each component may shape what happens during a forest encounter. Their influences are neither necessarily equal nor independently measurable.

01 · Forest Environmental conditions, sensory stimuli, ecological processes and opportunities for engagement.
02 · Participant Attention, perception, autonomy, memories, physical capacities and personal meaning.
Therapeutic Experience Potentially emerging through interacting conditions
03 · Guide Professional preparation, facilitation, adaptation, boundaries and risk management.
04 · Group Shared attention, social relationships, belonging, communication and group dynamics.

Conceptual model: the contributions depend on the individual, setting, activities and outcomes considered.

02 / Explore the contributors

What does each contributor actually do?

Select any contributor to examine its possibilities and limitations.

6.1 The forest

Forests provide ecological and sensory conditions that may contribute to restoration and well-being. However, the forest does not diagnose, establish treatment objectives or assume professional responsibility. Its possibilities depend on the relationship between the environment and the individual.

6.2 The participant

Participants are active interpreters of their experiences. Their attention, personal history, autonomy and emotional responses influence what becomes meaningful. Participation does not require experiencing calm or achieving a prescribed outcome.

6.3–6.4 The guide

Professional guidance may support accessibility, confidence, attentional engagement and safety. The guide facilitates opportunities rather than controlling participants' internal experiences. The professional relationship may matter, but supportive guidance should not be equated with psychotherapy.

6.5 The group

Group participation can introduce companionship, social connection and shared reflection. However, it may also generate comparison, discomfort or pressure. The social component should be investigated separately rather than automatically attributed to the guide.

03 / An essential distinction

Influencing an outcome is not the same as being responsible for it.

Causal contribution

The forest, participant, guide and group may all influence the experience through different pathways, with or without intentional action.

Central question: What contributed to the observed change?

Professional responsibility

The guide retains responsibility for professional planning, communication, risk assessment, boundaries and appropriate responses within the scope of practice.

Central question: Who is accountable for professional decisions?

04 / TMT® ethical and pedagogical framework

Co-Creation · Co-Responsibility · Co-Being

Three principles developed within The Mindful Tourist and Shinrin-Yoku Association educational approach. These are orientations for ethical facilitation, not independently validated therapeutic mechanisms.

Principle 01

Co-Creation

The experience develops through the interaction of preparation, participant choices and environmental circumstances.

In practice: Adapt an invitation when a participant discovers something unexpected in the environment.
Principle 02

Co-Responsibility

Participants exercise agency and communicate their needs. The guide retains professional duties and accountability.

In practice: Respect participant choices while maintaining appropriate safeguarding and risk management.
Principle 03

Co-Being

Individuals may share an experience without having to demonstrate relaxation, gratitude or emotional transformation.

In practice: Allow silence, personal interpretation and the freedom to decline an invitation.
05 / Research evidence

Does a guide necessarily improve the outcome?

Comparative studies provide useful insights, but they do not establish one universally superior mode of forest engagement.

Kim & Shin · 2021

Guided versus self-guided experiences

In a qualitative study involving 37 university students, self-guided participants more frequently described introspection, while guided participants more frequently emphasised emotional changes and social interaction.

Interpretation: The findings describe differences in reported experiences, not evidence that guidance produces superior clinical outcomes.
Zhang et al. · 2026

Professional guidance and short-term emotional outcomes

A pilot comparison of guided forest bathing, unguided forest exposure and urban outdoor activity did not find a statistically significant additional short-term emotional benefit from professional guidance over unguided forest exposure.

Interpretation: Small samples, short-term assessment and differences in activities limit causal conclusions. Nonsignificance is not proof of equivalence.
06 / Methodological questions

What should future research investigate?

Open each question to explore a possible research direction.

Does professional guidance provide additional benefits?

Compare guided and unguided forest exposure under similar conditions, accounting for activity, duration, expectations and participant characteristics. Examine outcomes beyond immediate mood, including confidence and independent engagement.

What is the contribution of group participation?

Compare individual and group experiences, while examining the quality of social interactions, participant preferences, group composition and perceived pressure to participate or disclose emotions.

How much structure supports participant autonomy?

Investigate structured sensory invitations, open-ended invitations and independent exploration. Evaluate perceived autonomy, engagement and experiential meaning, as well as relevant psychological outcomes.

Do meaningful experiences require clinical change?

Distinguish subjective meaning, psychological well-being, physiological responses and clinical effectiveness. Use methods appropriate to each outcome rather than treating emotional intensity or personal significance as proof of therapeutic efficacy.

07 / Section conclusion

From therapeutic ownership to relational understanding

The forest does not need to be described as a therapist to contribute to human well-being. A guide does not need to claim the capacity to heal to provide a valuable professional service. And a participant does not need to achieve a prescribed outcome for the encounter to possess personal significance.

Therapeutic agency may be understood through interactions among environmental conditions, individual characteristics, professional facilitation and social context. Recognising these contributions does not diminish professional responsibility or eliminate the need for rigorous causal investigation.

Can one of the most meaningful contributions of a forest therapy guide be creating conditions in which participants become increasingly able to engage with nature independently?

Conceptual summary of Section 6, "Who Is the Therapeutic Agent?" The framework distinguishes evidence-supported findings from interpretive and pedagogical propositions. This visualisation is educational and does not constitute clinical guidance.

6. Who Is the Therapeutic Agent?

One of the fundamental questions arising from the scientific and professional development of Shinrin-Yoku, forest bathing, and forest therapy concerns the attribution of therapeutic agency. When an individual experiences psychological relief, physiological restoration, emotional regulation, or a meaningful sense of connectedness during a forest encounter, to what or whom should these changes be attributed? The forest environment, the participant, the professional guide, the activities undertaken, and the social relationships established during the experience may all contribute to its perceived or measurable outcomes. Nevertheless, the language of therapy frequently encourages an interpretation in which therapeutic effects are associated with an identifiable intervention, technique, or professional practitioner. This assumption requires closer examination when applied to forest-based experiences.

Within conventional clinical frameworks, therapeutic interventions are generally understood through relationships among identified health needs, treatment procedures, professional competencies, and evaluated outcomes. Although contemporary healthcare increasingly recognises patient participation and contextual influences, the investigation of therapeutic effectiveness commonly involves identifying the intervention under consideration and distinguishing its contribution from other factors. Forest-based experiences complicate this approach because they occur within dynamic ecological environments that cannot be completely standardised. The forest contributes sensory, atmospheric, spatial, biological, and ecological conditions that exist independently of professional intervention, while participants bring their own physiological characteristics, psychological histories, expectations, cultural backgrounds, and capacities for interpreting the experience.

Professional guidance introduces additional influences through the intentional organisation of activities, environmental risk assessment, communication, pacing, interpersonal responsiveness, and the facilitation of attention and reflection. Where sessions involve groups, interpersonal relationships, collective activities, shared attention, and social expectations become further components of the encounter. Consequently, the therapeutic character of a forest experience may arise through interactions among several contributors rather than through the independent action of a single therapeutic agent.

This interpretation is consistent with broader developments in health sciences and ecological psychology. Engel’s (1977) biopsychosocial model challenged exclusively biological explanations of health and illness by emphasising the interaction of biological, psychological, and social processes. Bronfenbrenner (1979) similarly demonstrated the importance of environmental and social systems in shaping human development and functioning. Although neither framework was developed specifically for forest therapy, both provide conceptual foundations for examining forest-based well-being as a multidimensional process in which individual experiences cannot be separated entirely from their environmental and relational contexts.

However, the concept of therapeutic agency requires clarification before its application to forest-based experiences. Agency may refer to causal influence, intentional action, experiential interpretation, or ethical and professional responsibility. These meanings are related but should not be treated as interchangeable. A forest may contribute to a physiological response without possessing human intentions, while a guide may intentionally facilitate an encounter without determining its outcome. A participant may interpret an experience as therapeutic without identifying the mechanisms responsible for the perceived change, and group members may influence one another without deliberately attempting to produce therapeutic effects.

Table 6.1. Distinguishing dimensions of therapeutic agency in forest-based experiences

Dimension

Conceptual meaning

Application to forest-based experiences

Causal contribution

The capacity of a factor to influence an outcome, whether intentionally or unintentionally.

Environmental characteristics, movement, social interaction, or professional facilitation may influence physiological or psychological responses.

Intentional action

The deliberate organisation of activities or conditions toward an anticipated objective.

A guide selects a location, assesses risks, and introduces invitations intended to support engagement.

Experiential interpretation

The process through which individuals perceive, evaluate, and attribute meaning to an experience.

A participant may interpret silence, sensory contact, or personal reflection as restorative or emotionally significant.

Ethical and professional responsibility

Accountability for decisions, conduct, safeguarding, and duties associated with an established role.

The guide remains responsible for professional preparation, appropriate risk management, informed participation, and ethical boundaries.

Note. These dimensions are analytically distinguishable but may interact during an encounter. Causal influence does not necessarily imply intention, and shared participation does not establish equivalent professional responsibility.

Recognising these distinctions is essential for avoiding conceptual confusion. The question of who contributes to an experience is not identical to the question of who intentionally facilitates it, how the participant understands it, or who remains accountable for the conditions under which it takes place. The following discussion examines these dimensions through the respective contributions of the forest, the participant, the guide, and the group, before considering their implications for professional ethics and empirical research.

6.1. The Forest: Therapeutic Agent or Environmental Contributor?

The expression the forest is the therapist appears frequently within nature-based well-being discourse and may serve as a metaphor for recognising the restorative potential of natural environments independently of professional intervention. In this metaphorical sense, it challenges the assumption that therapeutic value must originate from a human practitioner. Nevertheless, when interpreted literally, the expression raises conceptual and ethical difficulties. A forest does not diagnose medical or psychological conditions, establish treatment objectives, obtain informed consent, evaluate individual needs, or assume professional responsibility for participant safety. It cannot intentionally select an intervention according to clinical indications or determine whether a particular individual requires psychological support. Consequently, the forest cannot be considered a therapist in the conventional professional or clinical meaning of the term.

Rejecting this literal interpretation does not, however, require reducing the natural environment to a passive setting in which therapeutic activities take place. Research in environmental psychology and public health indicates that natural environments may influence human health and well-being through several pathways, including stress-related restoration, attentional processes, physical activity, social interaction, and environmental exposure (Hartig et al., 2014). Forests provide sensory and material conditions that contribute to these processes. Vegetation influences visual experience, canopy cover modifies light and microclimatic conditions, terrain shapes movement, and natural sounds contribute to the acoustic environment. Air quality, humidity, temperature, and exposure to plant-derived volatile organic compounds represent further environmental characteristics that may be relevant to physiological functioning, although their specific contributions and clinical significance require appropriate empirical evaluation.

These environmental characteristics exist independently of the presence of a professional guide. An individual walking alone through a forest encounters many of the same ecological phenomena as someone participating in an organised Shinrin-Yoku session. Although the duration, activity, attention, and interpretation of the encounter may differ, the forest does not acquire its environmental properties through professional organisation. Its potential contribution to human well-being therefore precedes its classification as a therapeutic setting.

Gibson’s (1979) ecological theory of perception provides a useful framework for understanding this relationship through the concept of affordances. Affordances refer to possibilities for action emerging from relationships between environmental characteristics and the capacities of an organism. They are neither exclusively objective properties of the environment nor entirely subjective interpretations. A forest path may provide an opportunity for comfortable walking for one participant while presenting an accessibility challenge for another. A fallen tree may afford sitting, observing, or exploring textures, but may simultaneously introduce physical hazards. Similarly, an isolated location may support contemplation for an individual who feels secure there while producing discomfort or uncertainty for someone unfamiliar with such environments.

The concept of affordances challenges the assumption that forests possess identical therapeutic properties for all individuals. Environmental characteristics establish possibilities, but their accessibility and significance depend upon the relationship between the place and the person encountering it. The therapeutic potential of a forest should therefore be considered relational and conditional rather than universally fixed.

Gesler’s (1992) concept of therapeutic landscapes offers a complementary perspective by locating experiences of healing and well-being within interactions among physical environments, cultural meanings, social relationships, and symbolic associations. A forest may signify belonging, childhood memories, cultural identity, spiritual significance, freedom, uncertainty, or fear. These meanings cannot be inferred solely from the environment’s physical characteristics, nor can they be assumed to remain stable across individuals and circumstances.

This variability also reveals the limitations of describing every forest environment as inherently healing. Natural settings may contain physical hazards, allergens, insects, unstable terrain, adverse weather conditions, sensory challenges, and accessibility barriers. Some individuals may experience anxiety, isolation, or distress rather than restoration. Acknowledging these possibilities does not negate the potential benefits of forest exposure; rather, it establishes the need to consider environmental suitability, participant characteristics, and contextual conditions when evaluating therapeutic claims.

The forest is therefore neither a passive background nor an intentional clinical practitioner. It is a living ecological environment whose characteristics may interact with human biological, psychological, and perceptual processes. Recognising the environment as an active contributor in the causal or relational sense allows its significance to be investigated without anthropomorphising nature or attributing therapeutic intention to ecological phenomena.

6.2. The Participant: Recipient or Active Contributor?

If the forest contributes environmental conditions and opportunities for engagement, the participant contributes perception, attention, behaviour, personal history, interpretation, and meaning. Conventional intervention terminology may position individuals primarily as recipients of professionally delivered activities; however, such descriptions risk overlooking the extent to which participants actively shape their own experiences. Individuals enter natural environments with previous experiences, learned associations, cultural expectations, emotional states, bodily conditions, and patterns of attention that influence how environmental information is perceived and interpreted.

The significance of this variability becomes apparent when considering how several individuals may respond differently to the same environmental feature. Standing beneath a tree, one participant may attend to changes in light and experience calm, while another may become interested in the structure of the bark or the activity of insects. A further participant may recall childhood memories, whereas someone else may experience discomfort associated with an earlier event. Although the environmental setting is shared, the resulting experiences differ because perception and meaning emerge through interactions between environmental conditions and individual characteristics. Neither the physical environment nor personal psychology provides a sufficient explanation in isolation.

Participant agency involves both deliberate actions and processes that are not fully accessible to conscious awareness. Sensory processing, bodily states, memory, attention, and emotional responses interact throughout the encounter, influencing which aspects of the environment become personally significant. Research on nature connectedness also suggests that contact, emotion, compassion, meaning, and beauty may provide distinct pathways through which relationships with the natural world develop (Lumber et al., 2017). These pathways do not necessarily operate uniformly across individuals, reinforcing the importance of recognising different forms of engagement rather than assuming that one activity will produce the same response in every participant.

This consideration is especially relevant to guided invitations. A guide may encourage participants to explore a tree through touch, observation, or quiet contemplation, but cannot determine precisely what each individual will perceive, remember, or feel. The same invitation may evoke curiosity, relaxation, uncertainty, indifference, or an unexpected personal association. Such variation should not automatically be interpreted as a difference in the quality or success of participation. A participant who does not experience calm may nevertheless engage meaningfully, while someone who prefers not to disclose a personal reflection may have undergone an important but private experience.

Self-Determination Theory provides an additional theoretical foundation for understanding participant agency. Deci and Ryan (2000) identified autonomy, competence, and relatedness as basic psychological needs associated with motivation, functioning, and well-being. Applied conceptually to forest-based experiences, autonomy concerns the opportunity to participate voluntarily and act with a sense of personal choice; competence concerns the ability to interact effectively with the environment; and relatedness concerns the experience of meaningful interpersonal connection. Guided sessions may support these needs through appropriate structure, respectful communication, accessible activities, and opportunities for independent exploration.

However, professional intentions do not necessarily translate into participants’ experiences of autonomy. An invitation described as optional may nevertheless be perceived as compulsory when delivered by an authoritative guide or within a group where others appear willing to participate. Activities intended to promote mindfulness, gratitude, or nature connectedness may become uncomfortable if participants feel expected to demonstrate emotional openness or achieve a particular state of well-being. Genuine autonomy therefore extends beyond selecting among predefined activities. It includes the freedom to modify participation, interpret an experience differently from the guide, remain silent, decline an invitation, or conclude that the encounter has not been personally therapeutic.

Recognising participant agency should not be interpreted as transferring responsibility for therapeutic outcomes to the individual. The capacity to exercise meaningful choice is influenced by accessibility, social expectations, prior experience, cultural norms, perceived authority, and the conditions established by the guide. Professional facilitation may be necessary to make participation genuinely voluntary and accessible, particularly when individuals face physical, social, or psychological barriers. Participants are therefore active contributors to their experiences, but they are not solely responsible for producing positive outcomes.

6.3. The Guide: Delivering Therapy or Facilitating Possibilities?

The professional guide introduces a distinctive form of intentionality into the forest encounter. Unlike the natural environment, the guide can make deliberate decisions regarding location selection, activity design, risk assessment, communication, pacing, accessibility, and responsiveness to participant needs. A professionally organised session may include preparation of the environment, explanation of participation conditions, the introduction of invitations, observation of participant responses, and adaptation of activities according to emerging circumstances. These contributions distinguish guided sessions from many forms of independent forest engagement, although they do not establish that the guide is the exclusive source of any therapeutic effects experienced.

In Why We Need Forest Therapy Guides, I proposed that the value of professional guidance should be considered in relation to the circumstances that shape individuals’ opportunities to engage meaningfully with natural environments (Guziak, 2026b). People differ substantially in their familiarity with forests, confidence in navigating natural settings, physical accessibility, previous opportunities for nature contact, and expectations concerning outdoor experiences. For some, independent forest engagement may be familiar, comfortable, and sufficient. Others may benefit from support in overcoming uncertainty, adjusting their pace, directing attention toward their surroundings, or participating in a shared experience.

This interpretation does not imply that meaningful nature connection requires professional guidance. Rather, it suggests that guidance may increase the accessibility of certain forms of engagement for particular individuals and circumstances. The contribution of the guide is therefore better understood in relation to participant needs and the purposes of the session than through an assumption of universal therapeutic superiority.

The TMT® Scaffolded Model of Engagement offers a pedagogical interpretation of this role (Guziak, 2023). Drawing upon principles of scaffolding and gradual release of support, the model approaches guided Shinrin-Yoku as a participant-centred process in which external structure may be progressively reduced as individuals become more comfortable exploring the environment and exercising their own choices. Guidance is not understood as the control of participants’ internal experiences, but as the provision of conditions that may support the development of engagement, confidence, autonomy, and personal meaning.

Within this framework, different participants may require different degrees of structure. Someone unfamiliar with sensory exploration may initially benefit from a specific invitation to observe, listen, or explore an environmental feature, while another participant may prefer an open invitation that allows spontaneous engagement. A responsive guide recognises these differences and adjusts facilitation accordingly, maintaining appropriate safety and coherence without requiring uniform participation.

The professional value of guiding cannot therefore be adequately evaluated solely by the number of invitations introduced, the complexity of a session protocol, or the continuous presence of verbal instruction. Excessive facilitation may occupy the attentional space within which spontaneous observation and personal meaning might otherwise develop. Continuous explanation, interpretation, or direction may inadvertently shift attention away from the environment and toward the expectations of the professional.

Effective guiding may consequently involve recognising when additional structure is beneficial and when it becomes unnecessary or intrusive. This requires attentiveness, professional judgement, and the capacity to tolerate uncertainty in participants’ responses. A guide who allows a meaningful period of silence or independent exploration is not necessarily providing less professional support; such decisions may reflect an intentional adaptation to the needs of the encounter.

From this perspective, the guide functions as a facilitator of possibilities rather than the sole producer of therapeutic change. This distinction does not diminish professional expertise but redefines its application. The guide’s contribution lies partly in preparing appropriate conditions, recognising barriers, supporting autonomy, and balancing intentional structure with openness to experiences that cannot be fully anticipated or controlled.

6.4. The Professional Relationship as Part of the Experience

The relationship between a professional guide and participants constitutes another potential influence within guided forest experiences. Communication, reliability, interpersonal responsiveness, respect for boundaries, and the participant’s sense of being understood may affect comfort, trust, participation, and willingness to engage with unfamiliar activities. These relational processes can become particularly significant when individuals experience uncertainty, discomfort, or unexpected emotional responses during a session.

Research on psychotherapy relationships provides a useful, although necessarily limited, conceptual comparison. Norcross and Lambert (2018) examined evidence concerning the contribution of therapeutic relationships to psychotherapy outcomes, emphasising the importance of relational factors alongside specific treatment methods. These findings cannot be transferred directly to nonclinical Shinrin-Yoku sessions because the professional competencies, intervention objectives, participant populations, and outcome measures may differ substantially. Nevertheless, they suggest that interpersonal relationships deserve consideration when examining how professionally facilitated experiences unfold.

A guide who communicates expectations clearly, respects individual boundaries, and responds appropriately to expressed needs may contribute to a setting in which participants feel supported and able to exercise choice. Conversely, unclear communication, excessive authority, unsolicited interpretation, or pressure to disclose emotions may adversely influence participation. The guide’s relational conduct should therefore be recognised as part of the conditions shaping the experience rather than regarded as independent of the intervention.

However, interpersonal support must be distinguished from clinical psychotherapy. Expressions of gratitude, emotional disclosure, or apparent attachment to the guide do not, by themselves, establish therapeutic effectiveness. Similarly, the emergence of sadness, grief, anxiety, or other difficult emotions does not automatically indicate that a therapeutic process is occurring. A nonclinically qualified Shinrin-Yoku guide should not assume authority to diagnose psychological conditions, interpret participants’ emotional histories, or deliver clinical treatment beyond the scope of their professional competence.

Appropriate professional conduct may involve attentive listening, acknowledgment of discomfort, respect for privacy, practical assistance, and referral to suitably qualified professionals when circumstances require support outside the guide’s role. The distinction between facilitating a supportive experience and delivering psychotherapy remains essential, particularly as terminology associated with forest therapy may create expectations that exceed the competencies or intended purposes of nonclinical guiding.

The professional relationship may therefore contribute to the quality and accessibility of an experience without constituting evidence of clinical treatment. Its significance should be examined in relation to the objectives and boundaries of the particular practice rather than assumed to operate through mechanisms identical to those established in psychotherapy.

6.5. The Group as an Additional Contributor

When forest-based sessions involve multiple participants, social interaction introduces a further dimension that is absent or substantially different during solitary engagement. Group participation may create opportunities for companionship, shared attention, collective reflection, emotional expression, and experiences of belonging. Participants may influence one another through conversation, silence, movement, attitudes toward the environment, and the ways in which they respond to invitations. The social environment therefore becomes part of the broader conditions within which individual experiences develop.

The importance of social relationships for human health and well-being is well documented, although evidence from broader social research should not be interpreted as direct evidence of the therapeutic effectiveness of guided forest groups. Holt-Lunstad et al. (2010), in a meta-analysis comprising 148 studies and more than 300,000 participants, identified a substantial association between stronger social relationships and survival. This finding highlights the relevance of social connection to health but does not establish that brief participation in a guided Shinrin-Yoku session produces comparable long-term benefits. The duration, quality, continuity, and characteristics of social relationships studied in broader public health research differ from those of temporary forest-based groups.

Moreover, the presence of other people does not necessarily generate meaningful social connection. While some participants may experience reassurance, enjoyment, or belonging through group participation, others may feel self-conscious, uncomfortable, socially fatigued, or pressured to disclose personal experiences. Individuals seeking solitude may experience the social component as an interruption rather than a benefit. Thus, the contribution of group participation should be regarded as context-dependent rather than universally restorative.

Empirical research comparing guided and unguided forest therapy provides preliminary insight into these differences. Kim and Shin (2021) examined the experiences of 37 undergraduate students assigned to self-guided and guided forest therapy conditions, using participants’ written reflections to investigate perceived healing factors and experiences. Both conditions produced accounts involving sensory engagement with the forest, while differences emerged in the themes participants emphasised. Self-guided participants more frequently described introspection, whereas guided participants more frequently referred to emotional changes and social interaction.

These findings suggest that different modes of engagement may influence the characteristics of participants’ experiences. However, the study does not establish that professional guidance alone caused the observed differences, because guided participation may also involve distinctive group activities, interpersonal expectations, and opportunities for communication. Neither does the frequency of particular themes in reflective accounts establish the comparative clinical effectiveness of the interventions. The findings are therefore valuable primarily for understanding differences in reported experience and identifying questions requiring further investigation.

A guided group session cannot be understood simply as forest exposure with the addition of a professional. It may involve collectively negotiated pacing, shared activities, social norms, interpersonal attention, and forms of communication that differ from independent engagement. Some effects attributed to professional guidance may consequently be associated partly with group processes, while other aspects of guidance may operate through interactions between professional facilitation and the group’s social atmosphere.

The concept of co-experiencing is useful for understanding this complexity. Sharing a location and period of time does not require individuals to experience or interpret the environment identically. Participants may be present together while developing distinct sensory, emotional, and reflective experiences. From an ethical perspective, the guide’s responsibility includes creating conditions in which such differences are respected rather than requiring uniform participation, emotional expression, or interpretations of well-being.

The group should therefore be considered a potential contributor to the encounter, but not an inherently therapeutic component. Its influence depends upon participant characteristics, interpersonal dynamics, the purpose and structure of the session, and the degree to which individuals are able to maintain autonomy within the shared experience.

6.6. Co-Creation, Co-Responsibility, and Co-Being

A relational understanding of guided Shinrin-Yoku requires an ethical and pedagogical framework that recognises the active contributions of participants without diminishing professional responsibility. Within the educational approach developed through The Mindful Tourist and the Shinrin-Yoku Association, three principles are particularly relevant: co-creation, co-responsibility, and co-being. These principles are proposed orientations for professional practice rather than independently validated mechanisms of therapeutic effectiveness. Their purpose is to clarify how an experience may develop through interaction while preserving participant autonomy, professional accountability, and openness to different forms of engagement.

Table 6.2. The three ethical and pedagogical principles of guided Shinrin-Yoku

Principle

Central orientation

Implications for professional practice

Co-creation

The experience develops through interactions among the guide, participants, and changing environmental conditions.

The guide prepares an adaptable structure and remains responsive to emerging experiences rather than attempting to control them.

Co-responsibility

Participants are encouraged to exercise agency and communicate needs, while the guide retains professional duties.

Participants may communicate preferences and boundaries; the guide remains accountable for planning, risk assessment, safeguarding, and professional decisions.

Co-being

Individuals may share an experience without being required to achieve or demonstrate a prescribed emotional or therapeutic outcome.

Silence, different interpretations, nonparticipation in specific invitations, and personal boundaries are respected without judgement.

Note. These principles represent the ethical and pedagogical framework used in The Mindful Tourist and Shinrin-Yoku Association training. They should not be interpreted as evidence of clinical efficacy or as establishing equal professional obligations among all participants.

Co-creation acknowledges that although a guide may design the session structure, select the location, and introduce invitations, the experience itself develops through interactions among participants’ responses, choices, interpersonal relationships, and environmental circumstances. A participant may become interested in an ecological feature that was not anticipated in the original session plan, while changing weather conditions may require the adaptation of an activity or route. Such developments do not necessarily represent deviations from a successful session but illustrate the limitations of treating experience as a predetermined professional product. Co-creation therefore requires a balance between preparation and responsiveness rather than the abandonment of structure.

Co-responsibility concerns the relationship between participant agency and the professional duties associated with organising an experience. Participants may be encouraged to communicate physical limitations, preferences, discomfort, or emotional boundaries, and to make informed choices regarding participation. Nevertheless, professional obligations remain asymmetrical. The guide retains responsibility for appropriate preparation, environmental and activity-related risk assessment, informed participation, safeguarding, communication, and professional decisions within the scope of the service. A participant who fails to identify a hazard or feels unable to express discomfort should not be considered responsible for a failure of professional planning merely because the encounter was described as collaborative. Co-responsibility must therefore support participant agency without transferring the guide’s duty of care.

Co-being introduces a complementary ethical orientation by recognising the legitimacy of presence without prescribed performance. Participants may remain silent, observe rather than interact, decline an invitation, or experience the forest differently from others. They should not be expected to demonstrate relaxation, gratitude, emotional transformation, or nature connectedness in order to be regarded as participating successfully. This principle is especially important when the session is explicitly described as restorative or therapeutic, because such descriptions may create expectations regarding how individuals ought to feel. Co-being challenges the assumption that well-being must be visibly demonstrated or that every moment of the encounter requires professional interpretation.

Together, these principles offer a framework for balancing intentional facilitation with respect for the unpredictable and individual character of forest experiences. They also highlight an important distinction between organising opportunities for engagement and claiming ownership of participants’ experiences. A guide may prepare and facilitate the conditions of a session without determining its personal meaning or guaranteeing a particular outcome.

6.7. Causal Contribution and Ethical Responsibility Are Not the Same

The distinction between causal contribution and ethical responsibility is central to understanding professional agency in forest-based practice. Environmental characteristics may influence physiological responses, physical activity may affect mood and bodily functioning, personal memories may shape emotional interpretation, and social relationships may contribute to a sense of belonging. Professional facilitation may influence attention, expectations, movement, and participation. These factors can interact, making it difficult to isolate their independent contributions to a particular outcome.

However, the distribution of causal influences does not imply an equivalent distribution of professional accountability. The fact that multiple elements contribute to an experience does not remove the guide’s responsibility for decisions made within the professional role. Appropriate preparation, informed participation, environmental risk assessment, reasonable accessibility considerations, communication, safeguarding, and maintenance of professional boundaries remain responsibilities associated with the organisation and delivery of the service.

A forest cannot assume professional accountability, and participants cannot be expected to possess the same knowledge or competencies as the guide. Similarly, other group members should not be assumed to fulfil safeguarding duties or to recognise circumstances requiring professional intervention. Consequently, relational accounts of therapeutic agency must preserve the distinction between the factors that influence an outcome and the individuals responsible for organising the conditions under which the experience occurs.

This distinction also has implications for how successful and unsuccessful experiences are interpreted. A participant who reports little psychological improvement following a guided session has not necessarily failed to participate appropriately. The absence of a positive response should not automatically be attributed to insufficient openness, inadequate mindfulness, or limited nature connectedness. Equally, a participant’s expression of substantial emotional relief should not be claimed as direct evidence of the guide’s individual therapeutic effectiveness without appropriate evaluation.

Such interpretations would oversimplify causal attribution by overlooking environmental variation, individual differences, expectations, social influences, and the limitations of available measurements. Ethical professional practice therefore requires both acknowledgment of the guide’s contribution and recognition of the limits of professional control. The guide may be responsible for offering an appropriate and reasonably safe experience without being able to guarantee the psychological or physiological response that follows.

6.8. Can We Identify the Contribution of Each Agent?

The proposition that forest-based therapeutic experiences develop through multiple interacting influences creates an important methodological challenge. If environmental characteristics, participant differences, professional guidance, and group processes may all contribute to outcomes, how can their respective influences be investigated? Addressing this question requires research designs that distinguish relevant intervention components while recognising that their effects may be interactive rather than independent.

Comparative studies represent one possible approach. Guided and unguided forest experiences may be compared under similar environmental and temporal conditions, while individual and group formats may be examined to investigate social influences. Different forms of attentional guidance may also be compared, including structured sensory invitations, open exploration, or independent contemplation. Nevertheless, the validity of causal conclusions depends upon how effectively studies account for other differences between conditions, including physical activity, participant characteristics, expectations, environmental exposure, and the duration of engagement.

Table 6.3. Research approaches for investigating contributors to forest-based experiences

Research comparison

Principal research question

Important methodological consideration

Forest versus urban outdoor exposure

Do environmental conditions influence selected physiological or psychological outcomes?

Settings may differ in noise, air quality, activity opportunities, social context, and participant expectations.

Guided versus unguided forest engagement

Does professional facilitation provide additional benefits for particular outcomes?

Guidance may simultaneously alter activities, attention, pacing, expectations, and interpersonal interaction.

Individual versus group forest engagement

How does social participation influence the quality and outcomes of the encounter?

Group composition, social expectations, prior relationships, and participant preferences may influence responses.

Structured versus open invitations

How do different levels of professional direction affect autonomy, attention, and experience?

Differences in individual preference, previous experience, and perceived pressure should be considered.

Single-session versus repeated engagement

How do experiences and outcomes change through continued nature contact?

Repeated exposure may involve learning, expectation changes, familiarity, and other time-dependent processes.

Immediate versus longer-term assessment

Do observed changes persist or influence subsequent engagement with nature?

Short-term emotional responses should not be assumed to establish lasting psychological or clinical benefits.

Note. These comparisons are proposed methodological directions, not claims that each factor has an independently established therapeutic effect. Where feasible, factorial or mixed-methods designs may help investigate interactions among components.

Recent empirical research illustrates both the value and limitations of such comparisons. Zhang et al. (2026) conducted a pilot study examining therapist-guided forest bathing, unguided forest exposure, and unguided urban outdoor activity among graduate students. Thirty participants were initially allocated across three conditions, with 26 questionnaires retained for the reported analysis. The study reported improvements in several negative emotional states following outdoor activities and identified favourable patterns associated with forest exposure. However, the guided forest condition did not demonstrate a statistically significant additional short-term emotional benefit relative to unguided forest exposure.

These findings are relevant because they challenge the assumption that professional facilitation necessarily produces superior immediate psychological outcomes. Nevertheless, the pilot study involved a small and relatively homogeneous sample, assessed immediate responses, and did not establish equivalence between the guided and unguided conditions. Furthermore, the guided condition included a structured sequence of activities, whereas the unguided conditions involved relatively free walking. Consequently, the comparison cannot isolate the influence of the guide from all differences in the activities undertaken. The absence of a statistically significant difference should therefore be interpreted cautiously, rather than as proof that guidance has no additional value.

An additional methodological challenge concerns the selection of outcomes. Studies focused exclusively on immediate mood changes may overlook other potential contributions of professional guidance, such as increased confidence in entering unfamiliar natural settings, improved awareness of personal accessibility needs, greater understanding of environmental conditions, or an enhanced capacity for independent engagement. Conversely, improvements in such dimensions should not automatically be classified as clinical therapeutic outcomes. Different constructs require appropriate theoretical definitions, validated measures where available, and research designs suited to the questions being investigated.

Quantitative measures may be complemented by qualitative approaches capable of examining how participants interpret their experiences. Reflective accounts, interviews, and phenomenological inquiry may reveal aspects of meaning, relational dynamics, or perceived autonomy that are not fully captured through standardised measures. However, such accounts should not be treated as substitutes for controlled causal investigation when the objective is to establish intervention effectiveness. The combination of methods may instead support a more comprehensive understanding by addressing different dimensions of the encounter.

Future research would benefit from investigating not merely whether guided forest experiences produce measurable benefits, but which components contribute to particular outcomes, for whom, under which conditions, and over what timescale. The purpose need not be to identify one universally dominant therapeutic agent. A more productive objective may be to understand how different configurations of environmental exposure, participant autonomy, professional facilitation, and social interaction influence the experiences and outcomes being studied.

6.9. The Possibility of Therapeutic Experience Without an Identifiable Therapeutic Agent

The preceding discussion raises a philosophical and methodological question concerning the attribution of therapeutic effects. Must every experience described as therapeutic be associated with one clearly identifiable agent? Scientific research appropriately seeks causal explanations, investigating which variables contribute to observed changes and whether outcomes can reasonably be attributed to specific conditions or interventions. However, the lived experience of a forest encounter may not correspond neatly to the conceptual categories used to investigate it.

An individual sitting quietly beneath a tree may subsequently describe the experience as personally meaningful or emotionally restorative. Such a response may involve sensory stimulation, bodily sensations, autobiographical memories, changes in attention, and the significance attached to the moment. The participant may be unable to identify which component contributed most strongly, and the personal importance of the encounter may arise from the experience as a whole rather than from one separately recognisable factor.

This difficulty does not imply that causal investigation is unnecessary or that therapeutic processes operate beyond scientific examination. Rather, it highlights the distinction between explaining measurable outcomes and understanding subjective experience. A physiological assessment may investigate changes in stress-related indicators, while an interview may explore how a participant interpreted an encounter or reconsidered a personal concern. A professional reflection may examine whether session structure supported autonomy and participation. These perspectives address different questions and cannot automatically be substituted for one another.

For example, a change in cortisol concentration may provide information about physiological response but does not establish the personal meaning of an encounter. Similarly, a participant’s report of emotional relief communicates a subjective experience without demonstrating which environmental or professional factor caused that response. The guide’s observation that an individual appeared relaxed may assist with responsive facilitation, but it cannot replace the participant’s account or an appropriate measurement of the outcome being investigated.

Scientific and experiential interpretations should therefore be considered complementary but analytically distinct. The complexity of forest-based experiences does not invalidate empirical investigation; instead, it requires researchers to select methods appropriate to the dimensions of experience they intend to examine. Recognising the limitations of any single measure may support a more cautious and comprehensive understanding of what it means for an encounter to become therapeutic.

6.10. The Forest as a Living Environment Rather Than a Therapeutic Instrument

Attributing therapeutic potential to forests also raises questions concerning the ethical relationship between human well-being and ecological environments. When forests are discussed primarily through their capacity to improve psychological or physiological functioning, they may become conceptualised as collections of resources available for the production of desirable human outcomes. Although such interpretations can be useful within health promotion and environmental research, they risk reducing complex ecological systems to instruments of therapeutic consumption.

Forests contain organisms, ecological interactions, and biological processes that exist independently of human health-related objectives. Trees produce volatile organic compounds through physiological and ecological processes rather than for the purpose of relieving human stress. Bird vocalisations arise through species-specific behaviours and ecological relationships rather than as intentional mechanisms of attention restoration. Changes in light, humidity, temperature, and vegetation develop through physical and ecological processes that do not follow a human therapeutic programme.

Human beings may nevertheless respond to these phenomena in ways that contribute to restoration, emotional regulation, or personal meaning. The possibility of such benefits does not imply that ecological phenomena exist for therapeutic purposes, nor that their significance can be adequately understood through human health outcomes alone. A relational perspective therefore requires recognition that the forest is not simply a setting or service provider but a living environment within which human participation occurs.

This distinction has practical implications for professional guiding. Bringing individuals or groups into a forest involves responsibilities extending beyond participant well-being to the ecological characteristics and vulnerabilities of the location. Appropriate group sizes, respect for habitats, minimisation of disturbance, careful use of natural materials, and attention to seasonal or site-specific conditions may contribute to ecologically responsible practice. These considerations are particularly important when professional programmes involve repeated use of specific locations or activities that may affect sensitive environments.

Recognising ecological responsibility does not require attributing human-like intention or clinical agency to the forest. Rather, it acknowledges that human well-being and ecological conditions are interconnected while maintaining the distinction between natural processes and human ethical obligations. Professional responsibility remains with those organising and undertaking activities, including the responsibility to avoid unnecessary disturbance and to respect the integrity of the environments through which benefits may be experienced.

The forest should therefore be recognised not merely for what it may provide to human beings, but also as an ecological system whose significance extends beyond its usefulness for human restoration.

6.11. Reconsidering the Meaning of Therapeutic Agency

The preceding analysis suggests that the question Who is the therapeutic agent? may be insufficiently precise when applied to Shinrin-Yoku and forest-based experiences. Its formulation implies that therapeutic change should be attributed primarily to one identifiable source, whereas both theoretical perspectives and empirical investigation suggest a more complex configuration of influences. Environmental conditions, participant characteristics, professional facilitation, and social relationships may contribute differently according to the purpose, context, and outcomes of an encounter.

The forest provides sensory, ecological, and spatial conditions through which various forms of engagement become possible. Participants contribute perception, attention, behaviour, memory, personal meaning, and individual choice. Guides introduce professional preparation, intentional organisation, facilitation, and adaptation. Groups, where present, contribute interpersonal relationships and collective processes. None of these components operates entirely independently, and their relative importance may vary substantially between participants and settings.

For an individual seeking quiet contemplation, independent forest exposure may be sufficient or preferable. Someone unfamiliar with natural environments may benefit from professional guidance, while another participant may regard opportunities for social connection as a particularly meaningful aspect of the session. In contrast, an individual receiving psychotherapy outdoors may participate in an explicitly clinical intervention in which professional treatment processes operate alongside environmental influences. These examples should not be treated as interchangeable expressions of a single universal therapeutic model.

The distinction between causal contribution and professional responsibility remains fundamental. A forest may influence physiological functioning without possessing therapeutic intentions, while participants may experience meaningful change without being accountable for producing a desired outcome. Guides may intentionally establish conditions for participation without controlling individual responses, and groups may influence emotional and social experiences without constituting formal therapeutic relationships.

This interpretation also challenges the assumption that professional guiding must demonstrate value by establishing exclusive ownership of therapeutic outcomes. The contribution of a guide may instead be evaluated through the professional and ethical quality of facilitation, including responsiveness, accessibility, risk management, respect for autonomy, and the capacity to support meaningful engagement.

Within the TMT® Scaffolded Model of Engagement, the professional role is not to replace the participant’s ability to experience nature but to provide appropriate support through which that ability may develop (Guziak, 2023). As individuals become more comfortable and confident, some forms of external guidance may become less necessary. This possibility introduces an important consideration for the evaluation of professional effectiveness: a reduced need for guidance may represent not only a change in the participant’s dependence on the professional, but also a potential achievement of an educational approach intended to support autonomous engagement.

Such a conclusion remains conditional upon the programme’s objectives and the needs of the participants. Professional support may continue to be valuable for accessibility, safety, learning, or social participation even when individuals are capable of independent engagement. Nevertheless, the possibility that successful facilitation may strengthen independence challenges models in which professional value is implicitly associated with continued participant dependence.

6.12. Discussion: Agency as a Relationship Rather Than a Possession

The attribution of therapeutic agency in Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy invites a broader reconsideration of the relationship between professional intervention, environmental conditions, and human experience. Scientific research requires clearly defined variables, appropriate comparisons, and methods capable of evaluating outcomes and causal relationships. These requirements are necessary for distinguishing plausible benefits from unsupported therapeutic claims. Nevertheless, forest-based experiences do not necessarily unfold as discrete sequences in which each contributing factor can be isolated from the others without altering the character of the encounter.

Environmental conditions, bodily processes, attention, memory, personal interpretation, and social relationships may operate simultaneously throughout an experience. Professional facilitation becomes part of this interaction through intentional organisation and responsive decision-making, but the guide does not occupy a position from which participants’ responses can be completely controlled. Similarly, participants are not passive recipients of predetermined effects, and the forest is not merely an interchangeable background for professionally delivered activities.

A relational understanding should not, however, be confused with the proposition that all influences are equivalent or that outcomes are produced through processes beyond scientific investigation. Different contributions may be investigated empirically, and their relative importance may depend upon the conditions and outcomes being considered. The presence of complexity calls for greater methodological precision rather than abandoning causal explanation.

Four distinctions remain especially important. Causal influence does not necessarily involve intention; intentional facilitation does not guarantee a particular outcome; subjective meaning does not establish clinical effectiveness; and shared participation does not imply equal ethical or professional responsibility. Maintaining these distinctions makes it possible to recognise the contributions of multiple elements without attributing excessive authority to the guide, romanticising the forest as a purposeful healer, or placing inappropriate responsibility upon participants.

This interpretation also encourages a reconsideration of therapeutic expectations. Individuals should not be required to experience relaxation, gratitude, connectedness, or emotional transformation simply because a session has been designed with those intentions. The absence of such responses does not necessarily indicate failure, just as an emotionally meaningful encounter does not automatically establish clinical therapeutic effectiveness. The value of participation may include exploration, learning, reflection, enjoyment, social engagement, or the development of a personal relationship with the natural environment, even when measurable therapeutic improvement is not demonstrated.

The central question may therefore need to shift from identifying a single therapeutic agent toward investigating the conditions under which particular experiences and outcomes emerge. A more appropriate formulation is:

Under which environmental, individual, professional, and social conditions, through which interactions, and for whom does a forest experience become therapeutic?

This question accommodates empirical research while acknowledging individual variability and the possibility that professional guidance represents one of several contributing influences rather than a necessary condition for therapeutic value. It also directs attention toward the different purposes that organised Shinrin-Yoku sessions may serve, including health promotion, education, accessibility, nature connectedness, and the facilitation of meaningful experiences.

Ultimately, the forest does not need to be described as a therapist in order to contribute to human well-being, and the guide does not need to claim the capacity to heal in order to provide a valuable professional service. Similarly, a participant does not need to achieve a prescribed therapeutic outcome for a forest encounter to possess personal significance. Professional guiding may involve preparing a location, considering risks, designing invitations, and establishing appropriate conditions for participation, while recognising that perception, reflection, emotional response, and personal meaning remain partly beyond professional control.

Therapeutic agency may therefore be more appropriately understood as a relational process arising through interactions among environmental conditions, participant characteristics, professional facilitation, and social context, rather than as an exclusive property possessed by the forest, the guide, or the individual.

This proposition does not resolve all questions concerning the therapeutic effectiveness of forest-based interventions. Instead, it provides a conceptual foundation for further investigation while preserving the ethical importance of participant autonomy, ecological responsibility, and professional accountability.

The discussion also leaves open a question that has particular significance for the future education and professional identity of Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy guides:

Can one of the most meaningful contributions of a forest therapy guide be the creation of conditions through which participants become increasingly capable of engaging with nature independently, and, in some circumstances, no longer require professional facilitation?

If so, the value of guidance may need to be considered not only through the immediate outcomes of organised sessions but also through the opportunities for autonomy, confidence, and continued nature engagement that participants develop beyond them.

References

Bronfenbrenner, U. (1979). The ecology of human development: Experiments by nature and design. Harvard University Press.

Deci, E. L., & Ryan, R. M. (2000). The “what” and “why” of goal pursuits: Human needs and the self-determination of behavior. Psychological Inquiry, 11(4), 227–268. https://doi.org/10.1207/S15327965PLI1104_01

Engel, G. L. (1977). The need for a new medical model: A challenge for biomedicine. Science, 196(4286), 129–136. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.847460

Gesler, W. M. (1992). Therapeutic landscapes: Medical issues in light of the new cultural geography. Social Science & Medicine, 34(7), 735–746. https://doi.org/10.1016/0277-9536(92)90360-3

Gibson, J. J. (1979). The ecological approach to visual perception. Houghton Mifflin.

Guziak, M. A. (2023). Scaffolded model of engagement for facilitating guided forest therapy sessions. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI120230518en5

Guziak, M. A. (2026a). Spending time in the forest: Modalities of engagement, connection, and care. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI3202602-EN-2

Guziak, M. A. (2026b). Why we need forest therapy guides. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI3202601en

Hartig, T., Mitchell, R., de Vries, S., & Frumkin, H. (2014). Nature and health. Annual Review of Public Health, 35, 207–228. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-publhealth-032013-182443

Holt-Lunstad, J., Smith, T. B., & Layton, J. B. (2010). Social relationships and mortality risk: A meta-analytic review. PLOS Medicine, 7(7), Article e1000316. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pmed.1000316

Kim, J.-G., & Shin, W.-S. (2021). Forest therapy alone or with a guide: Is there a difference between self-guided forest therapy and guided forest therapy programs? International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 18(13), Article 6957. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18136957

Lumber, R., Richardson, M., & Sheffield, D. (2017). Beyond knowing nature: Contact, emotion, compassion, meaning, and beauty are pathways to nature connection. PLOS ONE, 12(5), Article e0177186. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0177186

Norcross, J. C., & Lambert, M. J. (2018). Psychotherapy relationships that work III. Psychotherapy, 55(4), 303–315. https://doi.org/10.1037/pst0000193

Zhang, Z., Gao, Y., Huang, X., & Ye, B. (2026). Comparing guided and unguided forest bathing for graduate student stress management: A pilot study. Frontiers in Psychology, 17, Article 1759571. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2026.1759571

Research article · Section 07

Does more guidance mean greater benefit?

Guided and unguided forest experiences may both support well-being. The evidence does not establish a universal therapeutic advantage for professional facilitation. Its contribution may instead depend on the person, the context, and the outcome being considered.

3Direct comparative studies discussed in the article
2Broader evidence syntheses examined
≠No significant difference is not proof of equivalence
01 · Rethinking the comparison · Sections 7.1, 7.5–7.6

Guidance is not a single variable.

The distinction between guided and unguided participation is more complex than the presence or absence of a professional. Experiences also differ in their degree of structure, opportunities for solitude or companionship, attentional practices, and freedom to make choices.

Methodological implication: comparing a guided group session with an independent solo walk changes several variables simultaneously. Any outcome difference cannot automatically be attributed to the guide.

Format A

Independent solitude

A person chooses their own pace, direction, and attentional focus. The encounter may allow spontaneous exploration and uninterrupted introspection. It may also feel uncertain to someone unfamiliar with the setting.

Possible contribution

Autonomy, privacy, flexible pacing, self-directed meaning.

Possible constraint

Less practical orientation or interpersonal reassurance when either is desired.

Format B

Individual facilitation

Professional orientation and invitations may be adapted to one participant, while preserving opportunities for silence and independent choice. The usefulness of this support depends on the participant's preferences and circumstances.

Possible contribution

Tailored accessibility, preparation, selected invitations, reassurance.

Possible constraint

Verbal direction may interrupt spontaneous attention if poorly matched to the person.

Format C

Companionship without a guide

Friends or peers may share a forest visit without formal facilitation. Social connection may enhance comfort or enjoyment, while conversation may compete with solitary contemplation. Group presence is distinct from professional guidance.

Possible contribution

Belonging, companionship, shared discovery, informal mutual support.

Possible constraint

Unequal preferences for pace, noise, social exchange, or privacy.

Format D

Facilitated group experience

A guide introduces preparation, invitations, and group opportunities for reflection. Environmental engagement and social dynamics unfold together; these should be analytically separated when evaluating outcomes.

Possible contribution

Prepared setting, shared reflection, guided exploration, support for access.

Possible constraint

Potential social expectations, distraction, or reduced freedom if facilitation becomes overly directive.

These four profiles are a conceptual comparison, not a ranking or an experimentally established prediction of which format is more therapeutic.

02 · Evidence overview · Sections 7.2–7.4

What does the research actually show?

The studies reviewed in Section 7 report benefits or meaningful experiences across guided and unguided formats. They do not establish that a professional guide produces universally stronger therapeutic outcomes.

StudyComparison / evidenceMain observationInterpretive limit
Lim et al. (2020)Direct comparison51 participants; guided versus unguided, approximately two hoursImprovements occurred in both conditions; no statistically significant additional advantage for the measured mood, nature-connectedness, or mean heart-rate outcomes.Small sample; conditions differed in more than guidance alone.
Kim & Shin (2021)Qualitative comparison37 students; 111 reflective essays from guided and self-guided conditionsSelf-guided accounts emphasised introspection; guided accounts more often included emotional change and social interaction.Frequency of themes does not establish greater clinical or physiological benefit.
Zhang et al. (2026)Three-arm pilot26 analysed responses; guided forest, unguided forest, and urban outdoorsNo statistically significant additional short-term mood benefit was detected for the guided forest condition.Small study; failure to detect a difference does not prove equivalence.
Lu et al. (2026)Meta-analysis18 randomised trials; 2,169 participants; guided and unguided subgroupsBoth subgroups showed reductions in depressive-symptom scores against their respective comparators; no significant between-subgroup difference.Indirect subgroup comparison; substantial heterogeneity (I² approximately 90%).
Borsani et al. (2026)Umbrella review31 reviews of forest bathing and stress-related outcomesBroad findings supported potential benefit, but programmes varied considerably and no single format was consistently identified as superior.Broad synthesis does not isolate the incremental effect of a guide.

Reading the evidence carefully: “not statistically significant” does not mean “the same effect.” Equivalence requires a study specifically designed and sufficiently powered to test it. Likewise, a numerical difference between pooled subgroups is not evidence that one format is superior.

Both formats can be valuable. What remains uncertain is the incremental effect of professional guidance, for specific people and specific outcomes.

This is a qualified reading of the evidence, not a claim that guides are unnecessary.

03 · Defining benefit · Sections 7.7, 7.12–7.13

What should count as a benefit?

A change in heart rate, the experience of companionship, and the development of independent nature engagement are different outcomes. Tap each dimension to see why a single measure cannot establish the total value of a session.

01 Immediate physiological or emotional change

Measures may include mood, heart rate, or stress-related indicators. They are useful for defined short-term aims, but do not capture all dimensions of experience or establish the added value of the guide by themselves.

02 Subjective meaning and introspection

Quiet contemplation, memories, perceived freedom, and personally meaningful encounters may matter even when a standardised short-term score does not change. Qualitative accounts provide insight, not automatic proof of therapeutic efficacy.

03 Social connection and nature connectedness

Group participation and intentional sensory or reflective activities may shape interpersonal experiences and relationships with nature. These potential pathways are distinct from demonstrating that professional facilitation is essential.

04 Autonomy and continuity after the session

Confidence to return independently, sustained engagement, and familiarity with a place may be important longer-term outcomes. Whether guided sessions produce these effects requires longitudinal research.

04 · Professional contribution · Sections 7.8–7.11

What might a guide contribute?

Professional value need not be defined solely by stronger immediate symptom reduction. Guidance may be useful through other practical, relational, educational, or ethical contributions—without implying that such contributions always produce a greater therapeutic effect.

01

Preparation and safety

Site assessment, consent, risk communication, and an appropriate duty-of-care framework.

02

Accessibility

Adaptation to individual needs and practical barriers, while supporting rather than assuming autonomy.

03

Invitations to notice

Options for sensory attention, beauty, reflection, and meaning that participants may or may not choose.

04

Social context

Opportunities for shared attention and conversation, balanced with privacy and the choice not to disclose.

05

Responsive facilitation

Adjusting structure according to preference, and recognising when another instruction is unnecessary.

06

Support for independence

Potentially helping participants develop confidence in their own ongoing relationship with nature.

TMT® Scaffolded Model of Engagement · Conceptual application

Guidance as a bridge, not a permanent requirement

Adapted from Guziak (2023), the following illustration shows how a guide might adjust support while leaving participants free to respond in their own way. It is not a mandatory sequence or a clinically validated mechanism.

01Prepare

Offer orientation, informed consent, and safe conditions for participation.

02Invite

Introduce optional ways to attend to the environment.

03Allow

Make room for silence, choice, unexpected interests, and personal pace.

04Continue

When relevant, support engagement with nature beyond the organised session.

Structure can be adjusted rather than maximised.Support ↔ participant agency
05 · Future directions · Sections 7.14–7.15

Questions future research needs to answer

Rather than asking whether guided experiences are universally better, comparative research can identify when facilitation adds value, which aspects matter, and whether any advantages last beyond the session.

01 What component is responsible for an observed difference?

Separate guide presence from group participation, attentional activities, pacing, environmental conditions, and participant choice. Direct comparisons should change as few variables as possible.

02 For whom is guidance particularly useful?

Examine prior nature experience, personal preference, familiarity with a setting, perceived safety, accessibility requirements, and the possible influence of self-selection into programmes.

03 Which outcomes matter—and to whom?

Combine appropriately selected physiological and psychological measures with qualitative accounts of meaning, autonomy, unwanted experiences, social connection, and satisfaction.

04 What changes after a participant returns home?

Use longitudinal follow-up to examine lasting changes, repeat or independent nature engagement, confidence, continued participation, and the practical costs and accessibility of guided services.

Section 7 · Central conclusion
Professional guidance does not create the therapeutic potential of nature. It may support particular ways of encountering that potential—without making the guide a prerequisite for a meaningful experience.

Guided and unguided engagement are best understood as potentially complementary possibilities, not as a hierarchy in which more organisation automatically means greater benefit.

Research references and articles cited in this summary (expand)
  • Lim, P. Y., Dillon, D., & Chew, P. K. H. (2020). A guide to nature immersion: Psychological and physiological benefits. Article / DOI
  • Kim, J.-G., & Shin, W.-S. (2021). Forest therapy alone or with a guide. Article / DOI
  • Zhang, Z., Gao, Y., Huang, X., & Ye, B. (2026). Comparing guided and unguided forest bathing for graduate student stress management. Article / DOI
  • Lu, K., Tang, A., Liu, Y., & Cao, F. (2026). Effects of forest therapy on depressive symptoms: A systematic review and meta-analysis. Article / DOI
  • Borsani, R. J., et al. (2026). Forest bathing as a stress reduction method: An umbrella review. Article / DOI
  • Guziak, M. A. (2023). Scaffolded model of engagement for facilitating guided forest therapy sessions. Article / DOI
  • Guziak, M. A. (2026). Spending time in the forest: Modalities of engagement, connection, and care. Article / DOI

7. Guided and Unguided Forest Experiences: Does Organisation Produce Greater Benefit?

The relationship between professional guidance and therapeutic benefit constitutes an important yet insufficiently resolved question within contemporary Shinrin-Yoku, forest bathing, and forest therapy research. As professionally facilitated forest experiences become increasingly integrated into wellness programmes, professional training, health promotion, and nature-based interventions, an implicit assumption may emerge that guided experiences are inherently more therapeutic than independently undertaken encounters with natural environments. This assumption is understandable, given that professional facilitation can introduce intentionality, preparation, structured activities, interpersonal support, and opportunities for reflection. Nevertheless, the inclusion of these components does not, in itself, establish that guided forest experiences produce greater physiological, psychological, or relational benefits than unguided experiences occurring under comparable environmental conditions.

A central methodological challenge concerns the identification of the specific contribution of professional guidance. If exposure to forest environments is associated with changes in physiological stress indicators, emotional states, attentional functioning, and psychological restoration, it remains necessary to determine whether these outcomes arise primarily from environmental exposure, from particular forms of engagement, or from additional processes introduced through professional facilitation. Furthermore, the contribution of guidance may extend beyond outcomes conventionally classified as therapeutic. A professionally organised session may provide opportunities for environmental learning, social participation, reflective dialogue, increased confidence, or the development of nature connectedness, even when its immediate effects on stress-related measures do not exceed those observed during independent forest exposure.

The distinction consequently requires a broader conceptualisation of benefit. Reductions in salivary cortisol, improvements in mood, experiences of belonging, greater environmental familiarity, increased nature connectedness, and the development of independent nature-engagement practices represent different dimensions of human experience. Although these dimensions may interact, they should not be treated as interchangeable indicators of therapeutic effectiveness. Their relative importance depends on the objectives of the intervention, the characteristics of participants, and the temporal scale over which outcomes are evaluated.

In previous work, I proposed that forest engagement should be understood through a continuum of modalities rather than through a hierarchy in which one form of participation is presumed to possess greater therapeutic legitimacy (Guziak, 2026a). Independent forest visits, contemplative practices, guided Shinrin-Yoku sessions, nature-connectedness activities, and formal nature-based health interventions may involve similar environmental conditions while differing in structure, purpose, participation, and personal meaning. Accordingly, professional forest therapy should not automatically be considered a more advanced or therapeutically effective version of ordinary forest contact merely because it incorporates specialised terminology, professional qualifications, or structured protocols.

The central question is therefore not simply whether guided forest experiences are more beneficial than unguided ones, but rather what distinctive contributions professional guidance may provide, for whom, under which circumstances, and in relation to which outcomes. Addressing this question requires careful consideration of empirical evidence, methodological limitations, individual differences, social context, professional responsibility, and the relationship between structured support and participant autonomy.

7.1. Conceptualising Guided and Unguided Forest Experiences

Comparative investigations frequently classify forest-based experiences as either guided or unguided. Although this distinction offers a convenient basis for research, the two categories are neither internally homogeneous nor necessarily mutually exclusive in their experiential characteristics. An unguided experience may involve an individual walking through a forest without a predetermined purpose, but it may equally involve a deliberate contemplative practice, a previously learned Shinrin-Yoku sequence, mindful observation, or self-directed reflective activities. These encounters differ substantially in intentionality, attentional orientation, and structure, despite occurring without the physical presence of a professional facilitator.

Similarly, guided forest experiences encompass considerable methodological diversity. Some programmes involve continuous verbal instruction and predetermined sequences of activities, whereas others employ occasional invitations followed by extended periods of independent exploration. Professional sessions may be conducted individually or in groups, and their objectives may include physiological relaxation, sensory awareness, ecological education, mindfulness, nature connectedness, or interpersonal reflection. The presence of a guide therefore does not necessarily indicate a highly structured experience, just as the absence of a guide does not necessarily indicate an unstructured one.

This conceptual variability has important implications for causal interpretation. Comparing an individually undertaken forest walk with a structured group programme may introduce simultaneous differences in professional presence, social interaction, activity content, physical movement, duration of rest, attentional direction, and participant autonomy. Consequently, any observed differences in outcomes cannot automatically be attributed to guidance itself. Conversely, the absence of measurable differences between such conditions does not demonstrate that their experiential processes are identical.

A more precise conceptual framework should distinguish at least five dimensions: professional facilitation, degree of structure, activity content, social context, and participant autonomy. These dimensions may vary independently or interact with one another, producing experiences that differ substantially even when they share the same broad classification. Professional guidance should therefore be examined as a potentially multidimensional influence rather than as a binary variable defined exclusively by the presence or absence of a guide.

7.2. Empirical Evidence from Direct Comparisons

One of the earlier investigations directly comparing guided and unguided nature immersion was conducted by Lim et al. (2020) in Singapore. The study included 51 participants, of whom 30 participated in a guided condition and 21 in an unguided condition. Both experiences lasted approximately two hours, and the researchers assessed changes in mood, nature connectedness, environmental identity, and heart rate. The guided programme incorporated a sequence of sensory and contemplative activities intended to encourage mindful attention, environmental observation, and quiet reflection.

The findings indicated favourable changes in mood and nature-connectedness measures across both conditions, without statistically significant differences between guided and unguided experiences in the principal comparative outcomes, including mood, nature connectedness, and average heart rate. These results are relevant because they suggest that at least some short-term psychological and relational benefits associated with nature immersion may occur without professional facilitation. However, the findings must be interpreted in relation to the study’s relatively small sample, differences in participant activities and social circumstances, and the involvement of a research-team member as the guide. The absence of statistically significant between-group differences should therefore not be interpreted as evidence that the two approaches are universally equivalent.

An additional contribution of Lim et al. (2020) concerns their examination of activities within the guided programme. Certain segments, including water gazing and an individual sit-spot activity, were associated with lower average heart rates relative to the recorded baseline. Although such observations may indicate potentially relevant relationships between activity characteristics and physiological responses, they do not establish that the activities themselves caused these changes. Heart rate is influenced by numerous factors, including posture, movement, breathing, environmental conditions, and the duration of physical rest. Nevertheless, the analysis illustrates the potential value of investigating individual components of forest engagement rather than treating an entire guided programme as a single, indivisible intervention.

Kim and Shin (2021) approached the comparison from a different methodological perspective. Their study involved 37 undergraduate students in South Korea, randomly assigned to self-guided forest therapy (n = 19) or guided forest therapy (n = 18). Rather than focusing primarily on physiological outcomes, the investigators analysed 111 reflective essays to identify similarities and differences in participants’ descriptions of their forest experiences. The analysis revealed substantial overlap in the sensory characteristics reported across both conditions, including auditory, visual, tactile, and olfactory encounters, alongside experiences involving emotional responses, changes in perceived bodily and mental states, introspection, and social interaction.

Differences nevertheless emerged in the relative prominence of particular experiential themes. Participants in the self-guided condition more frequently described introspective experiences, whereas those participating in guided forest therapy more frequently reported emotional changes and social interaction. These findings suggest that professional facilitation, potentially in interaction with programme structure and group context, may influence the character and direction of participants’ experiences. However, thematic frequency should not be equated with therapeutic magnitude. A frequently mentioned experience is not necessarily more intense, meaningful, or enduring than one receiving limited attention in a written reflection. Accordingly, the study provides evidence of differences in the reported experiential content of guided and self-guided forest therapy but does not establish the therapeutic superiority of either approach.

Considered together, the studies by Lim et al. (2020) and Kim and Shin (2021) highlight an important conceptual distinction. Professional guidance may influence how individuals engage with, attend to, and subsequently describe their encounters with forest environments, but such differences do not necessarily correspond to greater benefits across all psychological or physiological outcomes. This distinction challenges the assumption that increased structure or professional presence automatically enhances the depth, value, or therapeutic effectiveness of nature engagement.

7.3. Recent Evidence: Guidance and Short-Term Emotional Regulation

A more recent pilot investigation by Zhang et al. (2026) examined guided and unguided forest bathing among graduate students in Beijing. The study compared three experimental conditions: therapist-guided forest bathing, unguided forest exposure, and an urban outdoor activity. Participants undertook three-hour experiences, and emotional outcomes were assessed using the Profile of Mood States. Although 30 participants were initially recruited, the final analysis included 26 valid responses, comprising eight participants in the guided forest condition, nine in the unguided forest condition, and nine in the urban outdoor comparison condition.

The investigators reported reductions in several dimensions of negative mood following the outdoor experiences. Both forest conditions generally demonstrated favourable patterns, although improvements were also observed within the urban outdoor group. This finding is methodologically significant because it suggests that changes occurring after forest exposure cannot necessarily be attributed exclusively to the forest environment. Temporary withdrawal from academic responsibilities, physical movement, outdoor exposure, opportunities for rest, and interruption of habitual routines may contribute to emotional regulation across different environmental settings.

Of particular relevance to the present discussion, Zhang et al. (2026) did not identify a statistically significant additional short-term emotional benefit associated with therapist-guided forest bathing compared with unguided forest exposure. The reported comparison of changes in total mood disturbance indicated a negligible difference between the two forest conditions. Although this result questions the assumption that professional facilitation necessarily improves immediate emotional outcomes, it does not demonstrate that guidance is ineffective or therapeutically redundant.

The study’s small sample substantially limits the precision and generalisability of its findings. With only eight and nine participants in the respective forest conditions, the investigation may have lacked sufficient statistical power to detect smaller differences. Furthermore, the participant population was restricted to graduate students within a particular geographical and institutional context, limiting the relevance of the results to populations with different environmental experiences, accessibility needs, health conditions, or preferences for structured engagement. The investigation also focused on immediate mood-related outcomes rather than longer-term changes in nature connectedness, independent forest engagement, environmental confidence, or broader psychological functioning.

A distinction must therefore be maintained between the absence of a statistically detectable difference and evidence of equivalence. Demonstrating equivalence requires appropriately designed studies, prespecified equivalence margins, and sufficiently precise estimates of between-group differences. The pilot findings of Zhang et al. (2026) do not meet this evidentiary threshold. Their contribution is instead to demonstrate that, within the particular intervention conditions and outcomes investigated, professional facilitation did not produce a detectable additional short-term emotional advantage.

7.4. Evidence from Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analysis

Evidence syntheses provide a broader perspective on the relationship between guided and unguided forest interventions, although their conclusions are constrained by variation in the interventions and comparisons included. Lu et al. (2026) conducted a systematic review and meta-analysis examining depressive symptoms across 18 randomised controlled trials involving 2,169 participants. The authors reported an overall reduction in depressive-symptom scores associated with forest therapy interventions and conducted subgroup analyses distinguishing guided from unguided formats.

Both guided and unguided intervention subgroups demonstrated statistically significant improvements relative to their respective comparison conditions. The reported pooled standardised mean differences were approximately −0.88 for guided interventions and −1.13 for unguided interventions, with no statistically significant difference identified between the subgroups. These findings indicate that favourable depression-related outcomes have been reported in studies involving both professionally organised and independently undertaken forest interventions. However, they do not establish that unguided experiences are more effective, despite the numerically larger pooled effect estimate.

An essential methodological distinction concerns the difference between subgroup comparisons and direct randomised comparisons. The studies contributing to the guided and unguided subgroups varied in participant characteristics, environmental settings, intervention protocols, exposure duration, and comparison conditions. The analysis also identified substantial statistical heterogeneity, with an overall I² of approximately 90%, alongside concerns regarding publication bias and limited long-term follow-up. Consequently, the observed subgroup estimates cannot be interpreted as isolating the causal contribution of professional guidance. The absence of a statistically significant subgroup difference similarly does not establish equivalence between intervention formats.

Further context is provided by the umbrella review of Borsani et al. (2026), which synthesised 31 reviews concerning forest bathing and stress-related outcomes. The review encompassed a wide range of intervention formats, durations, activities, and outcome measures. Although the broader evidence supported the potential value of forest-based experiences, the methodological diversity prevented identification of one universally superior intervention format. This limitation is particularly relevant in a field where forest bathing, guided Shinrin-Yoku, physical exercise in forests, sensory practices, mindfulness activities, and multicomponent therapeutic programmes may be classified under overlapping terminology.

Table 7.1. Comparative evidence concerning guided and unguided forest experiences

Study

Design and participants

Principal findings

Interpretative limitations

Lim et al. (2020)

Comparative nature-immersion study; 51 participants; guided and unguided conditions

Both conditions showed favourable changes in selected mood and nature-connectedness measures; no statistically significant between-group differences in the principal outcomes

Small sample; differences in activities and social context; limited causal isolation of guidance

Kim & Shin (2021)

Randomised comparison; 37 undergraduate students; qualitative analysis of 111 reflective essays

Self-guided participants more frequently described introspection; guided participants more frequently reported emotional changes and social interaction

Thematic frequency does not establish greater therapeutic benefit; contextual influences remain difficult to separate

Zhang et al. (2026)

Three-condition pilot study; 26 valid responses; guided forest, unguided forest, and urban outdoor activity

Improvements in negative mood dimensions; no detectable additional short-term emotional benefit from guidance compared with unguided forest exposure

Very small groups; short-term outcomes; limited statistical power and generalisability

Lu et al. (2026)

Systematic review and meta-analysis; 18 randomised controlled trials; 2,169 participants

Both guided and unguided subgroups demonstrated favourable effects on depressive-symptom scores; no statistically significant subgroup difference

Predominantly indirect comparison; substantial heterogeneity; publication-bias concerns; limited long-term evidence

Borsani et al. (2026)

Umbrella review of 31 reviews concerning forest bathing and stress

Forest-based interventions showed potential stress-related benefits, without consistent identification of a universally superior format

Considerable variation in intervention definitions, components, durations, and outcomes

Note. The table summarises the findings described in the cited studies and evidence syntheses. Differences in study populations, designs, comparison conditions, and outcome measures prevent direct quantitative comparison across all five sources. Nonsignificant findings should not be interpreted as proof of equivalence or absence of benefit.

Taken collectively, the available direct comparisons and research syntheses support a cautious interpretation. Both guided and unguided forest engagement may be associated with beneficial psychological and relational outcomes, but the existing evidence does not establish that professional guidance consistently produces stronger therapeutic effects. At the same time, this evidence does not justify concluding that guidance is unnecessary. Rather, it indicates that professional facilitation should be investigated through its distinctive components and potential contributions, rather than assumed to constitute an independent source of superior therapeutic efficacy.

7.5. Different Forms of Engagement May Support Different Outcomes

The available findings suggest that guided and unguided forest experiences may be more appropriately conceptualised as partially overlapping approaches to nature engagement than as competing interventions arranged along a single continuum of therapeutic effectiveness. Each format creates different possibilities for attention, activity, autonomy, interpersonal interaction, and personal interpretation. The significance of these possibilities depends not only on the environmental setting but also on participants’ motivations, previous experiences, expectations, and immediate circumstances.

Unguided engagement permits individuals to determine their own pace, direction, attentional focus, and duration of participation without responding to external invitations or following a predetermined sequence. Such autonomy may support spontaneous exploration, uninterrupted introspection, contemplative observation, or engagement with personally meaningful environmental features. However, these possibilities should not be romanticised as universally beneficial. Some individuals may experience unstructured engagement as liberating and restorative, whereas others may experience uncertainty, discomfort, or difficulty establishing an intention for the encounter.

Professionally facilitated experiences introduce a different set of potential influences. A guide may encourage attention toward previously overlooked environmental characteristics, introduce unfamiliar forms of sensory exploration, support reflective engagement, or provide opportunities for interpersonal interaction. Structured sessions may also facilitate participation among individuals who prefer organised activities or who feel uncertain about approaching unfamiliar natural environments. Nevertheless, the same structure may be perceived by other participants as intrusive, restrictive, or unnecessary, particularly when their primary motivation involves solitude or freedom from external demands.

These considerations suggest that the relationship between intervention structure and perceived benefit is likely to depend on the correspondence between participant preferences and the characteristics of the experience. A person seeking private contemplation may favour a different format from an individual seeking companionship or environmental education. Similarly, an experienced nature practitioner may prefer self-directed engagement, whereas an individual unfamiliar with contemplative outdoor activities may appreciate an initial period of structured orientation. The relevant question is therefore not whether greater structure is inherently beneficial, but whether the type and degree of structure are appropriate to the individual, the context, and the intended outcomes.

7.6. Social Context: Solitude, Companionship, and Collective Experience

The comparison between guided and unguided forest experiences becomes more complex when professional guidance is accompanied by group participation. Guided group sessions introduce interpersonal processes that may be absent from solitary forest visits, including companionship, shared attention, reassurance, social identification, and opportunities for verbal or non-verbal reflection. These processes may contribute to participants’ interpretations of an experience and potentially influence psychological outcomes independently of the environmental exposure or professional facilitation.

However, social participation is not necessarily beneficial under all circumstances. Group settings may introduce self-consciousness, interpersonal expectations, distraction, or perceived pressure to disclose personal experiences. Participants may also experience reduced opportunities for uninterrupted contemplation or spontaneous exploration when they are required to remain within an organised group. Consequently, any potential benefits of companionship should be considered alongside the possibility that solitude provides distinct restorative opportunities.

Research by Staats and Hartig (2004) offers a relevant theoretical perspective on this issue. The investigators examined anticipated psychological restoration and environmental preferences under imagined conditions of being alone or accompanied by a friend in natural and urban environments. Their findings suggested that companionship could influence perceived restoration through increased feelings of safety, whereas solitude could support anticipated restoration when safety-related concerns were reduced. Importantly, the study examined responses to hypothetical scenarios rather than the measured effects of actual guided forest therapy sessions. Its relevance therefore lies in illustrating how perceived safety and social context may interact with restorative expectations, rather than providing direct evidence of the therapeutic effects of professional guidance.

The distinction is consistent with the experiential differences identified by Kim and Shin (2021), in which self-guided participants more frequently described introspective experiences, while guided participants more frequently reported social interaction. However, these findings cannot establish whether the differences arose from professional facilitation, group participation, activity content, or interactions among these elements. Future investigations would benefit from distinguishing at least four experimental conditions: guided individual experiences, guided group experiences, unguided individual experiences, and unguided group experiences. Such designs could help clarify whether observed outcomes are attributable to professional guidance, social companionship, or their interaction.

Social context should therefore be treated as an independent and potentially important dimension of forest engagement. Its influence is unlikely to be uniformly positive or negative, and its contribution may vary according to perceived safety, interpersonal preferences, group dynamics, and the individual’s purpose for entering the natural environment.

7.7. Professional Guidance and the Development of Nature Connectedness

Although professional guidance has not consistently demonstrated additional benefits in short-term stress- or mood-related outcomes, its potential contribution may extend to the development of nature connectedness. This concept warrants particular attention because the frequency or duration of environmental exposure should not be assumed to correspond directly to the quality of an individual’s relationship with the natural world.

Nature contact and nature connectedness are related but conceptually distinct. Individuals may regularly visit forests without developing a strong subjective sense of connection, whereas others may experience meaningful relationships with nature through gardening, cultural traditions, environmental memories, interactions with animals, or everyday encounters with plants and landscapes. Consequently, the amount of time spent in a forest is not necessarily sufficient to explain the emotional, cognitive, or relational significance of the encounter.

Lumber et al. (2017) identified contact, emotion, meaning, beauty, and compassion as relevant pathways associated with nature connectedness. In an experimental component of their work, a nature walk incorporating activities informed by these pathways produced greater increases in nature connectedness than a comparison walk without the same activities. These findings indicate that the manner in which individuals engage with natural environments may influence changes in their perceived relationship with nature. Nevertheless, the findings do not establish that these forms of engagement require professional facilitation. Activities involving sensory awareness, appreciation of beauty, emotional meaning, or compassion may be introduced by a guide, but they may also be learned independently or emerge spontaneously.

The distinction between the potential effectiveness of an activity and the necessity of professional delivery is particularly important. Professional guidance may support individuals in discovering attentional or relational possibilities that they have not previously considered. For others, similar possibilities may already form part of familiar contemplative, cultural, or everyday practices. Accordingly, the role of a guide may be more appropriately understood as facilitating access to particular forms of engagement rather than creating a relationship with nature that could not otherwise exist.

In Why We Need Forest Therapy Guides, I previously proposed that professional facilitation may be especially relevant when individuals encounter barriers to developing meaningful relationships with natural environments (Guziak, 2026b). Such barriers may involve limited opportunities for access, perceived safety concerns, unfamiliarity with particular settings, or uncertainty about how to engage in contemplative practices. However, limited forest experience should not automatically be interpreted as evidence of nature disconnection or as a deficiency requiring professional correction. People develop meaningful relationships with the natural world through diverse environments and practices, many of which exist outside professionally organised forest interventions.

Professional guidance may therefore represent one pathway toward greater nature connectedness, but it should not be conceptualised as a necessary condition for its development. Its contribution should be evaluated according to whether it supports personally meaningful engagement, rather than according to the assumption that a professionally mediated encounter is inherently deeper or more authentic than an independent one.

7.8. Guidance as Scaffolding: Supporting Engagement Without Creating Dependence

The possibility that professional guidance may facilitate subsequent independent nature engagement introduces a distinction between temporary support and continuing dependence. Within educational theory, scaffolding refers broadly to assistance that enables learners to undertake activities or solve problems that may initially be difficult to accomplish without support. The concept is associated with the work of Wood et al. (1976), who examined the role of adult assistance in children’s problem-solving processes. Although originally developed within an educational context, the principle offers a useful conceptual framework for reconsidering the relationship between professional facilitation and participant autonomy in nature-based experiences.

I adapted scaffolding principles to Shinrin-Yoku practice through the TMT® Scaffolded Model of Engagement (Guziak, 2023). This model conceptualises guided forest engagement as a process in which the degree of external structure may be adjusted throughout a session, allowing participants increasing opportunities to determine the direction and character of their experiences. Rather than treating professional guidance as continuous instruction, the model emphasises the relationship between facilitation and participant agency, recognising that structured support may be valuable at certain moments while unnecessary or restrictive at others.

During the initial stages of a session, a guide may provide orientation, communicate safety considerations, explain the purpose of invitations, and support participants in becoming familiar with the environment. As engagement develops, the degree of direction may be progressively reduced, allowing greater freedom in attentional focus, movement, duration, and response. However, this progression should not be interpreted as a rigid or universally applicable sequence. Some participants may prefer minimal structure from the beginning, whereas others may appreciate sustained facilitation. The essential principle is that the guide remains responsive to individual needs without unnecessarily determining how an experience should unfold.

This approach raises an important question concerning the longer-term outcomes of professional guiding. If an individual becomes increasingly comfortable visiting natural environments independently, recognises opportunities for meaningful engagement without external instruction, or develops confidence in self-directed contemplative practice, such developments may constitute valuable outcomes of an initially guided experience. These changes may not be captured by immediate physiological measurements, yet they may be relevant to the educational and relational dimensions of forest engagement.

Nevertheless, it is necessary to distinguish the conceptual proposition from empirically established effects. The hypothesis that scaffolded forest experiences support lasting autonomy, independent participation, or enduring nature connectedness requires direct longitudinal investigation. The TMT® Scaffolded Model of Engagement should therefore be understood as a practice-oriented conceptual framework rather than as an independently validated therapeutic mechanism. Its contribution lies in providing a structured basis for examining whether professional guidance can support participation while preserving or increasing the participant’s capacity for self-directed engagement.

7.9. The Potential Limitations of Excessive Guidance

Although professional structure may support participants’ engagement with natural environments, it can also modify experiences in ways that are not necessarily advantageous. Forest environments provide opportunities for spontaneous attention, unexpected encounters, and personally meaningful interpretations that may emerge without external direction. Individuals may become interested in particular environmental features, remain absorbed in sensory experiences, recall personal memories, or engage in unplanned reflection. These processes may be altered when attention is repeatedly redirected toward predetermined activities.

A structured sequence of invitations may be helpful for participants who find it difficult to slow down, direct attention toward environmental features, or establish an intention for contemplative engagement. However, the same sequence may constrain spontaneous exploration when participants feel obliged to complete activities, respond in expected ways, or anticipate the next instruction. In such circumstances, professional facilitation may inadvertently reproduce forms of external expectation or task-oriented behaviour from which participants were seeking temporary relief.

This possibility is particularly relevant to interventions incorporating mindfulness, gratitude, emotional reflection, or nature connectedness. When participants attend a session expecting to experience relaxation, they may begin monitoring whether the desired emotional state has occurred. Similarly, invitations encouraging gratitude, compassion, or connectedness may be interpreted as expectations rather than opportunities, potentially generating discomfort when those responses do not arise. Although such processes require direct empirical investigation within forest therapy settings, they illustrate the importance of distinguishing between the intention of a professional invitation and the participant’s subjective experience of receiving it.

Self-Determination Theory provides a relevant framework for examining these considerations. Ryan and Deci (2000) identified autonomy, competence, and relatedness as fundamental psychological needs relevant to motivation and well-being. While this theory does not establish the comparative effectiveness of guided and unguided forest interventions, it offers a basis for hypothesising that guidance experienced as autonomy-supportive may differ from guidance experienced as controlling. The psychological relevance of an intervention may therefore depend not merely on the quantity of instruction provided but also on whether participants perceive meaningful freedom to accept, modify, or decline invitations.

Professional competence may consequently involve recognising when further instruction contributes to engagement and when it risks interrupting an emerging experience. Rather than equating the quality of facilitation with the number or complexity of activities delivered, a participant-centred approach would consider the appropriateness of each intervention in relation to the individual’s current engagement. In some circumstances, the most valuable professional action may involve creating conditions for attentive experience while deliberately refraining from further direction.

7.10. Individual Differences and the Conditional Value of Guidance

The absence of consistent evidence for universally superior outcomes from professionally guided forest experiences should not obscure the potential importance of guidance for particular individuals and circumstances. Participants vary in their familiarity with natural environments, previous experiences, physical capacities, sensory preferences, psychological expectations, perceived safety, and preferred forms of engagement. These characteristics may influence both the accessibility of different forest settings and the extent to which professional support contributes positively to participation.

For individuals accustomed to independent forest engagement, professional assistance may provide limited additional value in relation to environmental familiarity or contemplative practice. For others, unfamiliar terrain, uncertainty about routes, concerns regarding safety, or limited confidence in outdoor participation may make organised support desirable. A guide may contribute through appropriate site selection, preparation, communication of environmental conditions, adaptation of activities, and provision of clear information. Such contributions may facilitate participation even when they do not produce greater immediate changes in mood or physiological indicators.

However, these considerations should not be translated into assumptions concerning broad demographic categories. Urban residence does not necessarily indicate reduced nature connectedness, older age does not automatically imply limited independence, and disability does not determine the quality of an individual’s relationship with nature. Similarly, psychological difficulties do not necessarily imply that professionally structured experiences are preferable to independent engagement. The relevance of guidance should therefore be assessed in relation to individual circumstances and preferences rather than inferred from categorical characteristics.

Accessibility also requires consideration beyond the immediate context of a professionally organised session. Barriers to nature engagement may involve transportation, infrastructure, financial resources, mobility requirements, social conditions, or environmental safety. Professional facilitation may help reduce some of these barriers through appropriate preparation and adaptation. Nevertheless, reliance on commercial services cannot substitute for broader public access to natural environments, inclusive infrastructure, and opportunities for independent participation.

The conditional value of guidance may therefore be greatest when it reduces obstacles to participation, supports informed choice, and enables individuals to engage with environments or activities in ways that are personally appropriate. Its professional contribution should be understood through the extent to which it supports access and agency, rather than through the assumption that all participants require the same form or intensity of facilitation.

7.11. Professional Responsibility, Safety, and Ethical Practice

An important contribution of professional guidance concerns the organisation of forest experiences within a framework of safety and ethical responsibility. A trained guide may undertake environmental risk assessments, evaluate terrain and weather conditions, identify potential hazards, consider participant requirements, establish communication procedures, and adapt planned activities according to individual circumstances. Such preparation represents a legitimate professional service, regardless of whether a guided session produces greater short-term psychological or physiological benefits than independent exposure.

It is therefore necessary to distinguish the professional value of risk management from claims of therapeutic superiority. An appropriately prepared guided experience may provide participants with meaningful reassurance, accessibility support, and opportunities for informed participation even when measurable therapeutic outcomes are comparable to those associated with unguided engagement. Conversely, professional preparation cannot eliminate uncertainty or guarantee a particular result. Natural environments remain dynamic, and participants’ physical, emotional, and psychological responses cannot be fully predicted or controlled.

Within the Shinrin-Yoku Association’s educational approach, the principles of co-creation, co-responsibility, and co-being provide an ethical framework for considering the relationship between professional facilitation and participant autonomy. Co-creation recognises that an experience emerges through interactions among participants, guides, and environmental conditions rather than through the guide’s intentions alone. Co-responsibility emphasises communication, informed participation, and recognition of individual needs while maintaining the guide’s professional responsibilities and duty of care. Co-being acknowledges that meaningful participation does not depend on the production of particular emotional states, verbal disclosures, or demonstrable outcomes.

These principles should be understood as professional and ethical orientations rather than independently validated therapeutic mechanisms. Their significance lies in encouraging approaches that preserve participant dignity and recognise diversity in individual responses. Silence should not automatically be interpreted as disengagement, declining an invitation should not be equated with unsuccessful participation, and the absence of immediate relaxation should not necessarily be understood as a failure of the experience.

Professional competence consequently involves more than designing activities or producing anticipated responses. It also requires recognising the limits of facilitation, communicating expectations responsibly, respecting participant choice, and avoiding unsupported therapeutic claims. In this context, ethical responsibility is not an additional benefit that automatically proves therapeutic effectiveness; it is a foundational obligation of professionally organised practice.

7.12. Evaluating the Success of Guided Forest Experiences

The professionalisation of Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy introduces an important question concerning the criteria by which successful facilitation should be evaluated. Commercial services may emphasise participant satisfaction, repeat participation, recommendations, or programme attendance. Research investigations may focus on changes in mood, physiological stress indicators, attention, or nature connectedness. Professional education, meanwhile, may evaluate competencies such as ethical practice, environmental preparation, activity design, communication, and the capacity to adapt facilitation to participant needs. Although these criteria may overlap, they represent different dimensions of evaluation and should not be treated as interchangeable.

A participant may report considerable satisfaction following a session without demonstrating a measurable change in physiological stress indicators. Another may experience immediate relaxation without subsequently changing patterns of nature engagement. A third may report little short-term emotional improvement but later establish an independent practice of visiting a nearby forest. None of these outcomes can be considered universally superior without reference to the stated objectives of the experience.

Outcome selection should therefore be aligned with intervention purpose. Programmes designed to support short-term stress regulation may appropriately investigate validated psychological or physiological measures. Interventions intended to support nature connectedness may require instruments addressing emotional relationship, personal meaning, or connectedness with the natural world. Programmes emphasising educational development or independent participation may benefit from examining environmental confidence, perceived competence, and subsequent self-directed engagement.

This distinction becomes especially important when professional and commercial interests intersect. Repeat participation may represent a valuable outcome when individuals appreciate companionship, continued learning, or shared environmental exploration. However, repeated attendance should not be the sole criterion of professional success, particularly when the intervention also seeks to develop participants’ independent capacities. Conversely, a reduction in dependence on professional facilitation should not automatically be interpreted as evidence that the original service lacked value.

A participant-centred evaluation framework should therefore recognise multiple legitimate outcomes, including immediate psychological responses, accessibility, social participation, environmental learning, satisfaction, autonomy, and continuity of nature engagement. The relative importance of each outcome should be made explicit and assessed using methods appropriate to the intended purpose. Such differentiation may support greater transparency in both research reporting and professional communication.

7.13. Beyond Immediate Outcomes: Continuity, Autonomy, and Everyday Engagement

Most direct comparisons of guided and unguided forest experiences have concentrated on immediate or relatively short-term outcomes. Although such measurements are important for investigating acute psychological and physiological responses, they may not adequately capture changes in participants’ subsequent relationships with natural environments. A guided session may introduce individuals to previously unfamiliar places, provide opportunities to explore particular forms of attention, or support confidence in independent participation. Whether these experiences result in lasting behavioural or relational changes remains an empirical question.

In earlier work, I distinguished the continuity of nature contact from the subjective depth or quality of individual encounters (Guziak, 2026a). This conceptual distinction is relevant because the frequency of forest visits does not necessarily reflect the meaningfulness of each experience, just as a single profound encounter does not necessarily lead to sustained participation. Continuity and subjective engagement may interact, but neither should be assumed to predict the other consistently.

The potential contribution of professional guidance may also change over time. An individual who initially benefits from orientation or structured invitations may subsequently develop preferences for independent exploration. Another may continue to value guided activities because of their social, educational, or relational characteristics. A third may alternate between solitary and professionally facilitated experiences according to changing circumstances. These possibilities suggest that guidance should not necessarily be conceptualised as a fixed requirement or a permanent characteristic of an individual’s relationship with nature.

Longitudinal research is needed to determine whether professionally guided encounters contribute to increased environmental familiarity, independent participation, perceived competence, or enduring nature connectedness. Such investigations should also consider whether different degrees of guidance influence subsequent engagement differently and whether participant preferences change with experience. A further question concerns the relationship between continuity of participation and therapeutic outcomes: repeated contact may provide opportunities for accumulating meaningful experiences, but this possibility requires direct investigation rather than assumption.

Within a scaffolded approach, the modification of external support according to participants’ developing needs offers a potential framework for studying these processes. Importantly, the objective would not necessarily be to eliminate professional guidance, but to clarify when it adds value, when it may become less necessary, and how it can coexist with independent nature engagement.

7.14. Implications for Future Comparative Research

The current evidence indicates a need to move beyond simple comparisons between guided and unguided forest exposure toward research designs capable of identifying the specific contributions of professional facilitation. The binary classification commonly used in intervention studies may conceal variation in structure, activity content, social participation, environmental context, and participant autonomy. Consequently, future investigations should define these components explicitly and examine their effects both independently and in interaction.

Factorial or otherwise appropriately controlled experimental designs may help distinguish professional presence from group context and activity structure. For example, researchers could compare guided and unguided conditions conducted individually and in groups while maintaining similar environmental conditions and exposure durations. Further comparisons could investigate highly structured, minimally structured, and self-directed forms of engagement, including situations in which participants undertake equivalent activities with or without a professional facilitator. These designs would provide a stronger basis for assessing the additional contribution of guidance than comparisons in which multiple intervention characteristics differ simultaneously.

The content of attentional invitations also warrants investigation. The pathways described by Lumber et al. (2017)—contact, emotion, meaning, beauty, and compassion—provide one possible framework for studying whether specific forms of engagement influence nature connectedness beyond environmental exposure alone. However, research should distinguish the contribution of the activity from that of its professional delivery. A sensory invitation that supports connectedness when introduced by a guide may produce similar outcomes when practised independently, and this possibility should be investigated rather than assumed.

Participant preferences and previous experience represent additional variables of interest. Individuals may differ in their responses to structured activities according to familiarity with natural environments, preference for solitude, perceived safety, expectations concerning professional facilitation, and previous contemplative practice. Although randomisation can reduce certain forms of selection bias, studies should also account for differences between those who voluntarily seek professionally organised services and those who prefer independent forest engagement. Preference-sensitive designs and appropriate qualitative methods may help clarify how perceived choice influences the experience.

Measurement strategies should extend beyond immediate mood and physiological indicators. Depending on the research question, outcomes could include perceived autonomy, environmental confidence, accessibility, nature connectedness, social belonging, satisfaction, subsequent independent engagement, and the persistence of psychological changes. Follow-up assessments may be particularly important for examining whether guided sessions influence behaviour beyond the intervention itself. At the same time, measurement should remain proportionate to the aims of the study rather than treating every possible outcome as a universal indicator of success.

Qualitative investigation can contribute additional understanding of how participants experience professional guidance. Interviews, reflective writing, and phenomenological approaches may reveal whether invitations were perceived as supportive or restrictive, how participants interpreted the presence of the guide, and which moments were personally meaningful. Such methods may also identify adverse or unwanted experiences, including discomfort, perceived pressure, environmental anxiety, or interference with preferred forms of attention. These experiences should be investigated alongside favourable outcomes rather than excluded through assumptions that all nature-based engagement is necessarily beneficial.

Finally, future research should address questions of cost, accessibility, and proportionality. Professionally guided sessions require preparation, training, time, and financial resources. These investments may be justified where they provide demonstrable benefits in safety, accessibility, education, social participation, or health-related outcomes. However, claims that professional facilitation is necessary for ordinary restorative nature contact require stronger comparative evidence than is currently available. Economic evaluation should therefore distinguish the cost of delivering a professional service from evidence of its additional benefits for clearly specified participants and outcomes.

The objective of future research should not be to establish that guidance is either universally superior or universally unnecessary. Rather, it should be to determine how professional facilitation influences different dimensions of experience, when these influences are beneficial, and for whom they may be most relevant.

7.15. Discussion: Is Greater Organisation Necessarily More Therapeutic?

The increasing professionalisation of Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy has expanded opportunities for structured, accessible, and intentionally facilitated engagement with natural environments. Professional guides may contribute specialised knowledge, environmental preparation, interpersonal support, opportunities for reflection, and forms of engagement that participants might not otherwise encounter. Nevertheless, the available empirical evidence does not justify a general assumption that greater organisation produces stronger therapeutic effects. Direct comparative studies have identified favourable outcomes across guided and unguided conditions without consistently demonstrating additional benefits attributable to professional facilitation for the outcomes investigated (Lim et al., 2020; Kim & Shin, 2021; Zhang et al., 2026). Broader quantitative evidence similarly indicates potentially favourable outcomes across intervention formats, while substantial methodological heterogeneity prevents conclusions concerning universal superiority or equivalence (Lu et al., 2026).

These findings do not diminish the potential value of professional guiding; rather, they require that value to be defined more precisely. Professional facilitation may influence how individuals attend to their environment, interpret sensory experiences, interact socially, and develop confidence in unfamiliar settings. Its contribution may be particularly relevant when participants encounter barriers to environmental access, prefer structured participation, or wish to explore unfamiliar forms of engagement. However, the same professional structure may be unnecessary or experienced as restrictive by individuals who value spontaneous exploration, solitude, or self-directed contemplation. Therapeutic and experiential outcomes are therefore unlikely to depend exclusively on the presence or absence of guidance.

An additional distinction concerns the relationship between therapeutic effectiveness and experiential character. Guided and unguided forest experiences may differ meaningfully without one being universally superior. A facilitated group session may create opportunities for interpersonal connection, while an independent visit may provide greater freedom for private reflection. An invitation may introduce one participant to previously unnoticed environmental qualities, while another may encounter equally meaningful experiences spontaneously. Such differences suggest that forest engagement should be evaluated through multiple outcome domains rather than through a single hierarchy of therapeutic value.

This interpretation is consistent with the TMT® Scaffolded Model of Engagement, which proposes that professional facilitation should support participant agency rather than replace it (Guziak, 2023). Within this framework, guidance may be understood as a flexible resource whose relevance changes according to the participant’s experience, preferences, and circumstances. Professional support may provide initial orientation and structure while creating opportunities for increasing freedom. However, the proposition that such an approach produces lasting autonomy or improved long-term nature engagement remains to be tested empirically.

The distinction is also important for the ethical communication of professional services. If meaningful or potentially restorative experiences can occur through ordinary forest contact, guides should exercise caution when presenting professional facilitation as the necessary source of those benefits. The professional service consists of particular forms of preparation, facilitation, adaptation, and responsibility; it does not confer exclusive access to the therapeutic possibilities of natural environments. Its value should therefore be communicated in terms of demonstrable or clearly identified contributions rather than unsupported claims that guidance necessarily transforms an otherwise non-therapeutic experience into a therapeutic one.

Guided and unguided forest engagement may consequently be understood as complementary possibilities within a broader continuum of human–nature relationships. An individual may participate in a professionally facilitated session, subsequently establish a self-directed practice, and occasionally return to organised experiences for social participation or environmental learning. Another may prefer independent encounters throughout life, whereas someone else may continue to value professional assistance because of accessibility considerations or personal preference. These patterns should not be interpreted as representing different levels of therapeutic legitimacy.

The question is therefore not whether guidance is inherently preferable to freedom, but how the relationship between guidance and autonomy can be negotiated in ways that support participants without unnecessarily determining their experiences. Professional competence may involve recognising when structure is helpful, when it should be adapted, and when additional direction may interfere with a meaningful encounter already unfolding. This requires attention not only to the activities delivered but also to the participant’s capacity to interpret, respond to, and develop an independent relationship with the environment.

The forest itself remains more than the passive setting of an organised intervention. Its sensory characteristics, ecological processes, seasonal changes, and possibilities for human engagement exist independently of professional facilitation. The guide may influence the conditions under which these possibilities are encountered, but does not create the environment’s potential significance. This distinction is essential to avoiding an overly professionalised understanding of therapeutic nature experiences in which restoration, reflection, or meaningful engagement are implicitly attributed to the organised intervention rather than to the complex interaction among environment, participant, and context.

Several questions therefore remain open. Does professional guidance produce additional therapeutic effects under particular conditions, or does it primarily modify the ways in which participants encounter environmental possibilities? Might guidance, solitude, group participation, and differing degrees of structure support distinct psychological, social, and relational outcomes? Could the longer-term value of an organised experience sometimes be reflected less in immediate emotional improvement than in the participant’s subsequent confidence, curiosity, and willingness to engage independently with nature?

The answers are likely to require methodological approaches that recognise both measurable outcomes and the subjective complexity of lived experience. A successful guided session may involve immediate relaxation, meaningful social participation, increased environmental familiarity, or the development of independent engagement. Equally, an unguided encounter may provide restorative or personally significant experiences without any formal intervention. Neither the presence of professional facilitation nor its absence can determine therapeutic value in advance.

Professional guidance may therefore be understood not as the mechanism that makes nature therapeutic, but as one possible means of supporting particular forms of engagement with natural environments. Its contribution may lie in increasing accessibility, providing an appropriate ethical and safety framework, introducing unfamiliar opportunities for attention, facilitating social participation, or supporting the development of greater autonomy. Whether these contributions produce additional therapeutic effects, and under which circumstances, remains a question for empirical investigation.

Ultimately, a person may enter a forest independently, remain beside a tree, observe changing light, become attentive to sounds, or experience a personally meaningful moment without knowledge of Shinrin-Yoku terminology or participation in a professionally organised programme. Such an encounter is not necessarily less valuable because it has not been professionally facilitated. Recognising this possibility does not undermine the relevance of forest therapy guiding. Rather, it establishes a more precise basis for understanding its contribution: the professional guide supports particular possibilities for human–nature engagement while acknowledging that meaningful, restorative, and potentially therapeutic experiences extend beyond the boundaries of organised intervention.

References

Borsani, R. J., Di Mario, S., Grima, D., & La Torre, G. (2026). Forest bathing as a stress reduction method: An umbrella review. Journal of Public Health. Advance online publication. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10389-026-02897-8

Guziak, M. A. (2023). Scaffolded model of engagement for facilitating guided forest therapy sessions. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI120230518en5

Guziak, M. A. (2026a). Spending time in the forest: Modalities of engagement, connection, and care. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI3202602-EN-2

Guziak, M. A. (2026b). Why we need forest therapy guides. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI3202601en

Kim, J.-G., & Shin, W.-S. (2021). Forest therapy alone or with a guide: Is there a difference between self-guided forest therapy and guided forest therapy programs? International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 18(13), Article 6957. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18136957

Lim, P. Y., Dillon, D., & Chew, P. K. H. (2020). A guide to nature immersion: Psychological and physiological benefits. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 17(16), Article 5989. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17165989

Lu, K., Tang, A., Liu, Y., & Cao, F. (2026). Effects of forest therapy on depressive symptoms: A systematic review and meta-analysis. Psychology Research and Behavior Management, 19. https://doi.org/10.2147/PRBM.S627521

Lumber, R., Richardson, M., & Sheffield, D. (2017). Beyond knowing nature: Contact, emotion, compassion, meaning, and beauty are pathways to nature connection. PLOS ONE, 12(5), Article e0177186. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0177186

Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2000). Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development, and well-being. American Psychologist, 55(1), 68–78. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066X.55.1.68

Staats, H., & Hartig, T. (2004). Alone or with a friend: A social context for psychological restoration and environmental preferences. Journal of Environmental Psychology, 24(2), 199–211. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jenvp.2003.12.005

Wood, D., Bruner, J. S., & Ross, G. (1976). The role of tutoring in problem solving. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 17(2), 89–100. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-7610.1976.tb00381.x

Zhang, Z., Gao, Y., Huang, X., & Ye, B. (2026). Comparing guided and unguided forest bathing for graduate student stress management: A pilot study. Frontiers in Psychology, 17, Article 1759571. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2026.1759571

Section 08 · Conceptual summary

Nature as a Place to Be and a Place to Do

Does an experience in nature need to be intentionally organised to become therapeutic? This section examines the relationship between structured activity, receptive awareness, environmental exposure, personal meaning, and professional guidance.

Shinrin-Yoku · Forest Therapy · Human Experience
Two orientations toward experience

Doing and being are not opposites.

These concepts describe different relationships with attention, intention, activity, and experience. They can alternate or coexist within the same forest encounter.

ORIENTATION 01

Doing

Goal-directed activity, intentional practice, prescribed invitations, and efforts to influence a particular outcome. Doing may support learning, orientation, and purposeful engagement.

ORIENTATION 02

Being

A receptive orientation toward present experience without necessarily attempting to alter it. Being may involve stillness, movement, observation, or spontaneous environmental engagement.

The distinction concerns how we relate to experience, not simply what we appear to be doing.
Conceptual framework

What shapes an encounter with nature?

Experience develops through interacting environmental, organisational, and personal dimensions rather than through prescribed activities alone.

01 / ENVIRONMENT

The natural setting

Landscape characteristics, sensory conditions, accessibility, safety, ecological processes, and opportunities for interaction.

02 / ORGANISATION

The encounter's structure

Intentions, duration, activities, guidance, group context, instructions, and the degree of participant autonomy.

03 / PERSON

The lived experience

Attention, perception, expectations, bodily responses, memory, emotion, interpretation, and personal relationships with place.

Experience emerges through interaction, not through a protocol alone.

Therapeutic outcomes require appropriate evidence. Personal meaning and therapeutic effectiveness are related possibilities, not equivalent concepts.

Explore the argument

Six central insights

Select each topic to explore the reasoning developed throughout Section 8.

01 Structure does not guarantee therapeutic benefit

Structured activities facilitate professional delivery, reproducibility, and scientific evaluation. However, the activities prescribed within a programme cannot fully determine what participants perceive, feel, or find meaningful.

Central distinction: the intervention as designed is not identical to the intervention as experienced.

02 Stillness does not mean inactivity

During quiet forest exposure, sensory, physiological, and psychological processes continue. Environmental conditions may influence the individual without elaborate instructions or continuous facilitation.

Park et al. (2010) reported physiological differences between forest and urban exposure conditions, including seated viewing. Such findings do not establish the superiority of passive exposure, but demonstrate its relevance to scientific investigation.

03 Performing mindfulness is not the same as experiencing mindful presence

A person may complete a sensory invitation while evaluating whether it is being performed correctly. Another may experience receptive awareness while walking, gardening, or observing without formal instruction.

Mindfulness theory distinguishes goal-oriented doing from a more accepting orientation toward experience (Segal et al., 2013). Neither mode should be treated as universally superior.

04 Nature is more than a setting for activities

Familiarity, memory, repeated contact, and personal attachment can transform a geographical space into a meaningful place. Environments also offer multiple possibilities for engagement that vary with individual capacities and circumstances.

The concepts of place, therapeutic landscapes, and affordances (Tuan, 1977; Gesler, 1992; Gibson, 1979) help explain why the forest's significance cannot be reduced to the activities performed within it.

05 Guidance may support experience without determining its meaning

The guide can provide orientation, safety, accessible invitations, and opportunities for exploration. Through a scaffolded approach, the degree of support may change according to participant needs.

Professional competence may include recognising when another invitation is useful and when silence or independent engagement is more appropriate. Reduced verbal direction does not mean reduced responsibility for participant safety.

06 Personal meaning is not automatically a therapeutic outcome

An experience may be meaningful without producing immediate happiness or a measurable improvement in health. Similarly, emotional discomfort should not automatically be described as healing or therapeutic progress.

Scientific evaluation must distinguish personal significance, immediate emotional responses, and demonstrated health outcomes. The value of ordinary nature experiences need not depend upon their designation as therapy.

Selected scientific evidence

What does research suggest?

Selected studies illustrate different aspects of nature exposure, structured practice, and professional guidance. Their findings should be interpreted within the limitations of their designs.

Forest versus urban exposure

Park et al. (2010)

Field research across 24 Japanese forests reported differences in physiological indicators during forest and urban exposure, including relatively simple seated viewing conditions.

Interpretation: quiet exposure can involve measurable physiological responses, but the precise causal contributions of environmental components remain uncertain.

View research ↗

Environmental context

Choe et al. (2020)

Mindfulness-Based Stress Reduction delivered across different environments showed differences in selected psychological outcomes, suggesting that the setting may influence the experience of an organised practice.

Interpretation: environmental context matters, but these findings do not establish the effects of unguided presence without mindfulness exercises.

View research ↗

Guided versus unguided

Zhang et al. (2026)

A small pilot study compared guided forest activities, unguided forest exposure, and unguided urban exposure. It did not find a statistically significant advantage of the guided condition in overall short-term mood improvement.

Interpretation: a nonsignificant difference is not proof of equivalence. Sample size, statistical power, and differences in activity content limit the conclusions.

View research ↗

Evidence boundary: The available research does not establish a universal hierarchy of therapeutic effectiveness between guided and unguided forest engagement. Comparisons must account for environmental conditions, activity content, participant characteristics, expectations, and outcomes.
Translating theory into practice

Implications for guiding and research

For Shinrin-Yoku guides

Professional facilitation may be understood as responsive support rather than continuous direction.

  • Prepare and assess the environment for safe and accessible participation.
  • Offer invitations without prescribing emotional responses or personal meaning.
  • Adapt structure to participants' needs and developing engagement.
  • Respect silence, non-disclosure, and the right to decline activities.
  • Recognise when further instruction may be unnecessary.

For future research

Investigation should distinguish different components of the encounter instead of assuming that all benefits arise from prescribed activities.

  • Compare self-directed, minimally structured, and guided conditions.
  • Examine environmental context, social interaction, and expectations.
  • Combine physiological and psychological assessments with qualitative enquiry.
  • Investigate long-term nature connectedness and place attachment.
  • Avoid confusing personal meaning with demonstrated clinical benefit.
Section 08 · Central conclusion
“We can organise the conditions of an experience, but we cannot fully organise the experience itself.”

The forest may provide opportunities. The guide may support engagement. The participant remains free to encounter the environment in ways that cannot be completely anticipated or controlled. Recognising this openness does not diminish the importance of scientific evidence; it helps clarify what professional facilitation can and cannot determine.

8. Nature as a Place to Be and a Place to Do

The development of nature-based interventions has increasingly emphasised the activities through which individuals engage with natural environments. Walking, gardening, meditation, sensory exploration, conservation work, outdoor education, and professionally guided Shinrin-Yoku sessions represent diverse forms of engagement that may be intentionally organised to support psychological well-being, physical health, learning, or personal development. Within scientific research, an activity-oriented approach offers substantial methodological advantages. Activities can be operationally defined, standardised, repeated, and compared, while their duration, frequency, intensity, and content can be documented in relation to measurable outcomes. Such procedures are fundamental to establishing the effectiveness, reproducibility, and limitations of interventions.

Nevertheless, an exclusive emphasis on identifiable activities may obscure another dimension of the human relationship with natural environments: the possibility of experiencing nature without organising the encounter around a predetermined objective. Sitting beneath a tree, observing changes in light, listening to environmental sounds, or remaining quietly present within a landscape may involve little externally observable activity. However, the absence of an explicitly prescribed task does not imply the absence of psychological, physiological, sensory, or relational processes. Attention, perception, emotional responses, bodily regulation, memory, and environmental interactions continue to unfold, regardless of whether the individual is deliberately attempting to achieve a particular outcome.

This distinction raises a fundamental question concerning the conceptualisation of therapeutic experience: must an encounter with nature be intentionally organised around an activity or therapeutic objective in order to possess therapeutic potential? A related question concerns whether increasing the degree of professional organisation necessarily increases the beneficial effects of an experience. Although structured interventions may facilitate particular outcomes, neither their intentional design nor their professional designation guarantees that participants will experience those outcomes.

In previous work, I proposed that forest engagement may take different forms according to intention, structure, continuity, depth of engagement, and personal significance (Guziak, 2026a). Recreational visits, contemplative practices, professionally guided sessions, and self-directed encounters may overlap without necessarily forming a hierarchy of therapeutic value. The present discussion extends this perspective by examining the relationship between doing and being as two orientations toward experience that may coexist, alternate, or influence one another.

For the purposes of this discussion, doing refers primarily to an orientation characterised by intentional activity, goal-directed attention, and efforts to influence or accomplish a particular outcome. Being refers to a more receptive orientation in which experience is attended to without necessarily attempting to alter it. These terms are conceptual distinctions rather than mutually exclusive behavioural categories. A person may undertake a demanding activity while remaining deeply attentive to present experience, whereas another may sit motionless while actively evaluating, planning, or attempting to control internal states. The distinction therefore concerns not merely what a person does, but how the individual relates to what is occurring.

An important methodological and ethical clarification is necessary. Throughout this section, therapeutic potential refers to the possibility that an experience may contribute to health or well-being under particular circumstances. It should not be treated as synonymous with demonstrated therapeutic effectiveness, clinical treatment, or personally meaningful experience. These concepts may overlap, but they require different forms of justification and should remain analytically distinguishable.

8.1. The Activity-Oriented Approach to Nature-Based Interventions

Nature-based intervention research commonly investigates intentionally organised activities associated with specified psychological or physiological outcomes. Walking programmes, horticultural interventions, conservation volunteering, guided mindfulness exercises, and structured forest bathing sessions can be described according to their procedures and delivery characteristics. This makes it possible to compare intervention conditions, assess implementation fidelity, and investigate relationships between programme components and participant outcomes.

Coventry et al. (2021), in a systematic review and meta-analysis of nature-based outdoor activities, examined interventions that varied substantially in activity type, duration, delivery, participant characteristics, and intended outcomes. Their findings suggested potential benefits for certain mental health outcomes while also demonstrating considerable heterogeneity across the available evidence. Such variability illustrates the methodological challenges associated with treating nature-based interventions as a unified category. Activities that share a natural setting may differ markedly in their physical demands, social organisation, psychological objectives, and participant experiences.

An activity-oriented framework is therefore necessary for evaluating specific interventions, but it may become conceptually restrictive when the prescribed activity is assumed to represent the entirety of the participant’s experience. For example, a guided Shinrin-Yoku session may incorporate slow walking, sensory observation, mindful breathing, and reflective pauses. Although these components can be documented in an intervention protocol, they do not necessarily correspond to the moments participants experience as most significant. An unexpected environmental sound may evoke a childhood memory, an unstructured pause may allow a difficult emotion to become noticeable, or an encounter with a particular tree may become more meaningful than an intentionally facilitated exercise.

These possibilities reveal an important distinction between the intervention as designed and the intervention as experienced. A protocol describes the activities, conditions, and opportunities offered to participants. It cannot fully determine how those opportunities are perceived, interpreted, or integrated into an individual’s personal experience. Consequently, intervention fidelity and subjective experience should be regarded as complementary rather than interchangeable dimensions of evaluation.

This distinction does not diminish the importance of professional planning or methodological precision. Instead, it suggests that research concerned with the mechanisms and outcomes of nature-based interventions should consider both what participants are instructed to do and what they actually experience. The former supports reproducibility and comparison, whereas the latter may reveal processes that cannot be inferred from activity descriptions alone.

8.2. Doing and Being as Modes of Psychological Experience

The distinction between doing and being has an established conceptual foundation within contemporary mindfulness theory, particularly in Mindfulness-Based Cognitive Therapy (MBCT). Segal et al. (2013) described a goal-oriented doing mode, in which individuals compare their present circumstances with desired conditions and initiate cognitive or behavioural processes intended to reduce perceived discrepancies. This mode is essential for learning, planning, problem-solving, and responding effectively to practical demands. Difficulties may arise, however, when goal-directed processes are applied inflexibly to internal experiences that cannot be readily changed through deliberate control.

For example, an individual experiencing sadness may begin comparing the current emotional state with an expectation of happiness. Attempts to eliminate the discrepancy may then intensify self-evaluation, frustration, or rumination, particularly when the desired emotional change does not occur. A more receptive being mode involves recognising thoughts, emotions, and bodily sensations as aspects of ongoing experience without necessarily treating them as problems requiring immediate resolution. The distinction concerns the individual’s cognitive and attentional relationship with experience rather than the complete absence of thought, intention, or effort.

Bishop et al. (2004) proposed an operational definition of mindfulness involving the self-regulation of attention and an orientation characterised by curiosity, openness, and acceptance toward present experience. Similarly, Brown and Ryan (2003) investigated relationships between mindful awareness and psychological well-being, reporting associations with several indicators of positive functioning. These theoretical and empirical contributions suggest that the quality of awareness may be relevant to psychological functioning. However, they do not establish that every instance of present-moment attention is therapeutic or that mindfulness can be reliably inferred from participation in a particular exercise.

This distinction is particularly relevant to guided nature practices. A participant may be invited to observe a tree, attend to birdsong, or walk slowly while remaining preoccupied with whether the exercise is being performed correctly. Conversely, attentive and receptive awareness may arise during ordinary activities without the explicit instruction to practise mindfulness. Accordingly, performing a mindfulness activity should not automatically be equated with experiencing mindful presence.

Within Shinrin-Yoku, these observations challenge the assumption that the number or complexity of sensory invitations necessarily corresponds to the depth of participant engagement. Instructions may create opportunities for awareness, but awareness itself cannot be guaranteed by procedural compliance. From a professional perspective, this suggests that activities should be understood as possible facilitators of experience rather than definitive indicators of an internal psychological state.

8.3. The Paradox of Intentionally Cultivating Non-Doing

The relationship between deliberate effort and receptive awareness introduces an apparent paradox within contemplative practice. Meditation, for example, frequently begins with an identifiable intention: reducing distress, developing concentration, cultivating emotional balance, or gaining insight into psychological processes. Such intentions may motivate participation and provide structure, particularly during the initial stages of learning. However, the desire to achieve a particular state may itself become an object of observation as the practice develops.

An individual attempting to become calm may notice the expectation of calm, the frustration associated with restlessness, or the continuous evaluation of whether meditation is producing the intended result. Under these circumstances, the practice may shift from pursuing an outcome toward observing the psychological processes associated with pursuing it. The deliberate organisation of an experience may therefore create conditions in which attachment to deliberate organisation becomes less central.

This relationship has emerged repeatedly within my own sustained meditation and reflective writing practice. In personal reflections recorded during 2026, I examined whether an experience can become effortless without initially involving effort, and whether the expectation that something meaningful should happen may interfere with recognising what is already occurring. These observations are autobiographical and phenomenological rather than experimental. They cannot establish causal relationships or demonstrate the effectiveness of meditation or nature-based interventions. Nevertheless, they provide a reflexive perspective through which to examine the conceptual relationship between intentional practice, expectation, and receptivity.

The apparent paradox can be expressed as follows: an individual may intentionally undertake a practice that involves progressively reducing the need to control the experience. Such a process does not necessarily imply the elimination of effort. Rather, the function of effort may change, from attempting to produce a predetermined state toward sustaining an appropriate degree of attention and responsiveness.

In professionally guided Shinrin-Yoku sessions, this distinction has practical implications. A facilitator may introduce an invitation that helps participants redirect attention toward their surroundings. However, once an individual becomes absorbed in an unexpected aspect of the environment, further instruction may either enrich the encounter or interrupt an experience already developing independently. The appropriateness of additional guidance therefore depends not simply on the planned sequence of activities, but also on the participant’s engagement and the conditions unfolding within the session.

This raises a question that is central to professional facilitation: when does an invitation support awareness, and when does it begin to compete with an experience that no longer requires external direction? Although no universal answer can be established, the question suggests that professional competence may include an ability to recognise when intervention is beneficial and when restraint is more appropriate.

8.4. Being Present Does Not Mean That Nothing Is Happening

The expression simply being may create the misleading impression that the individual is inactive or that the encounter lacks identifiable processes. Biological and psychological activity, however, continues during periods of externally observable stillness. A person seated beneath a tree continues to breathe, regulate body temperature, process sensory information, experience bodily sensations, and respond to changing environmental conditions. Simultaneously, the surrounding environment remains dynamic, characterised by movements of air, variations in light, fluctuations in sound, and interactions among living organisms.

This distinction is supported by research examining physiological responses to relatively passive forms of nature exposure. Park et al. (2010) conducted field experiments across 24 forest environments in Japan, comparing physiological responses during forest and urban exposure conditions that included walking and seated viewing. The investigators reported differences in several physiological indicators, including salivary cortisol, blood pressure, pulse rate, and autonomic nervous system activity. These findings suggest that measurable physiological responses may occur in natural environments without requiring an elaborate sequence of guided activities.

Nevertheless, the observed differences should not be interpreted as evidence that passive exposure is universally superior to structured engagement. Nor do they establish which specific environmental characteristics or psychological processes were responsible for the outcomes. Physiological responses may reflect interactions among multiple factors, including environmental conditions, attentional processes, previous experiences, and participant expectations.

The broader significance is that externally quiet experiences may involve continuous interactions between the individual and the environment. Consequently, the distinction between being and doing should not be confused with a division between physiological activity and inactivity. The absence of prescribed behaviour does not indicate the absence of environmental influence or bodily response.

This perspective also complicates assumptions concerning therapeutic agency. If measurable physiological responses can occur during relatively simple forest exposure, professional facilitation cannot be presumed to initiate every potentially beneficial process. A guide may influence attention, perceived safety, interpretation, accessibility, and participant engagement, while other processes may arise through interactions between environmental conditions and the individual. Identifying the relative contribution of these components remains an empirical question.

8.5. From Physical Space to Meaningful Place

A further perspective emerges from phenomenology and humanistic geography, which emphasise the lived and relational dimensions of environments. Tuan (1977), in Space and Place: The Perspective of Experience, examined how places acquire significance through perception, familiarity, memory, attachment, and lived experience. Within this perspective, a forest is not experienced solely as a physical location containing opportunities for activity. It may also become a personally meaningful place through repeated encounters and developing relationships.

An unfamiliar forest may initially be perceived primarily through its physical characteristics, including vegetation, pathways, sounds, and spatial organisation. With repeated visits, individuals may begin recognising seasonal patterns, particular trees, familiar sounds, or locations associated with previous experiences. These accumulated associations may contribute to attachment, belonging, and an evolving sense of place. Such relationships cannot necessarily be captured through the evaluation of a single intervention or reduced to the activities undertaken during one visit.

Gesler’s (1992) concept of therapeutic landscapes provides a complementary framework by examining the significance of physical, social, cultural, and symbolic characteristics in experiences associated with health and healing. This perspective challenges an exclusively instrumental understanding of natural environments as passive settings in which therapeutic activities are delivered. The environment itself, including the meanings attributed to it, may contribute to the experience.

However, the significance of a place is not universally shared. A forest associated with familiarity and comfort for one individual may evoke uncertainty, exclusion, fear, or difficult memories for another. Consequently, the designation of a location as therapeutic does not establish that it will be experienced as beneficial by every participant. Its potential significance emerges through the relationship between environmental conditions, social context, individual histories, and present circumstances.

A useful distinction can therefore be made between visiting a forest for a particular activity and developing a relationship with a forest through repeated presence. These processes may overlap, and neither is inherently more authentic than the other. A professionally guided session may introduce an individual to a place that subsequently becomes important within everyday life, whereas an initially recreational encounter may develop personal significance without ever being identified as a health intervention. In both cases, the meaning of the place may extend beyond the original purpose of the visit.

8.6. The Forest as an Environment of Possibilities

Gibson’s (1979) ecological approach to perception provides a theoretical framework for examining how natural environments offer possibilities for engagement before any professional activity has been introduced. The concept of affordances describes possibilities for action that emerge through relationships between environmental characteristics and the capacities of an organism. Affordances are therefore relational rather than fixed properties that operate identically for all individuals.

Within a forest, a path may offer opportunities for walking or exploration, a tree may provide shade or physical support, and a clearing may permit rest, observation, or social interaction. The relevance of these possibilities depends on individual capacities, preferences, prior experience, environmental conditions, and immediate circumstances. What is accessible or inviting to one person may be physically difficult, uninteresting, or unsuitable for another.

This perspective is relevant to Shinrin-Yoku because it recognises that the forest offers multiple potential forms of engagement independently of the guide’s intentions. A facilitator may draw attention to selected affordances through sensory invitations, but these invitations neither create every available possibility nor determine how participants will respond. An invitation to explore the texture of bark may lead one participant toward tactile observation, another toward noticing insects, and a third toward recalling a personally significant tree.

Structured invitations therefore shape the encounter by foregrounding particular possibilities while leaving others less prominent. This selective attention may be valuable when participants are unfamiliar with the environment or wish to explore new forms of engagement. Nevertheless, it should be recognised as an intervention into the direction of experience rather than a neutral presentation of what the forest already contains.

From this perspective, effective guidance involves a balance between making possibilities accessible and preserving opportunities for autonomous discovery. Professional facilitation may introduce aspects of the environment that would otherwise remain unnoticed, while sufficient openness allows participants to identify meanings and opportunities that could not have been anticipated within the session protocol.

8.7. Does the Natural Environment Change the Experience of an Activity?

The relationship between activities and environmental context has been examined in studies investigating whether similar practices produce different outcomes across natural and built settings. Choe et al. (2020) investigated the delivery of Mindfulness-Based Stress Reduction in natural, built outdoor, and indoor environments. Ninety-nine participants were randomly assigned to environmental conditions involving weekly sessions over six weeks. The study examined psychological outcomes including stress, rumination, reflection, and nature connectedness, reporting favourable differences associated with the natural environment on selected measures.

These findings suggest that environmental context may influence the outcomes of an intentionally organised psychological practice. However, the study does not establish whether comparable outcomes would have occurred through unstructured nature exposure, nor does it demonstrate that formal mindfulness instruction is necessary for obtaining benefits from natural environments. Rather, it indicates that setting and activity may interact in ways that warrant more detailed investigation.

More directly relevant to the distinction between guided and unguided nature engagement is the pilot study by Zhang et al. (2026), which compared therapist-guided forest activities, unguided forest exposure, and unguided urban exposure among graduate students in Beijing. Thirty individuals were initially allocated across three experimental groups, with 26 represented in the reported group analyses. All conditions lasted three hours, while the guided forest programme incorporated activities including stretching, mindful walking, sensory observation, land art, and meditation.

The investigators reported improvements in negative mood indicators across the conditions, but the differences in overall mood changes between groups were not statistically significant. In particular, the guided forest condition did not demonstrate a statistically significant advantage over the unguided forest condition on the reported overall mood outcome. This finding is relevant because it challenges assumptions that additional structure necessarily produces greater immediate psychological benefit. However, the small sample, short observation period, and limited statistical power preclude conclusions of equivalence. Furthermore, the guided and unguided forest conditions differed in both professional facilitation and activity content, making it difficult to isolate the effect of the guide independently of the activities introduced.

Taken together with earlier studies of forest exposure, these findings support a more differentiated approach to understanding the contributions of environmental context, activity, and professional guidance. They neither establish that nature alone accounts for all beneficial outcomes nor demonstrate that more elaborate interventions consistently produce superior effects.

Table 8.1. Selected empirical evidence relevant to structured and unstructured nature engagement

Study

Research focus

Contribution to the present argument

Important limitation

Park et al. (2010)

Physiological responses during forest and urban exposure

Supports the relevance of relatively simple environmental exposure

Does not isolate all environmental mechanisms or compare equivalent guided and unguided programmes

Choe et al. (2020)

Mindfulness practice across natural and built environments

Suggests that environmental context may influence the outcomes of structured practice

Does not establish the effects of unstructured presence without mindfulness activities

Zhang et al. (2026)

Guided forest activities compared with unguided forest and urban exposure

Found no statistically significant advantage of the guided condition for overall short-term mood improvement

Small pilot sample, limited follow-up, and confounding of guidance with activity content

White et al. (2019)

Associations between recreational nature contact and self-reported health and well-being

Highlights the possible relevance of ordinary nature engagement outside specialised programmes

Observational associations do not establish causal effects or intervention mechanisms

Note. The studies differ in populations, methodologies, exposure conditions, and measured outcomes. They should not be interpreted as directly interchangeable tests of the therapeutic superiority of doing or being.

The evidence therefore encourages a shift away from treating professional structure, activity intensity, and environmental exposure as competing explanations. Instead, they may be understood as interacting components whose contributions vary across individuals and contexts. The empirical challenge is to determine under which conditions each component influences particular outcomes and whether those influences are additive, interactive, or dependent upon participant characteristics.

8.8. Non-Striving, Acceptance, and the Complexity of Emotional Experience

A further difficulty within wellness-oriented nature practices concerns the expectation that an intervention should produce desirable emotional states. Forest bathing and forest therapy are frequently associated with relaxation, restoration, stress reduction, and emotional balance. Although these outcomes may be appropriate objectives and measurable consequences of particular interventions, they do not represent the complete range of experiences that may emerge during nature engagement.

An individual entering a forest with the intention to relax may instead encounter sadness, anxiety, restlessness, boredom, or unexpected memories. Another may experience curiosity, gratitude, enjoyment, or a sense of connection. These emotional responses may coexist or change throughout the encounter, without necessarily corresponding to the objectives of the guide or the participant’s initial expectations. Interpreting the experience exclusively through immediate mood improvement may consequently overlook aspects that participants regard as significant.

Within Acceptance and Commitment Therapy, psychological flexibility includes the capacity to remain appropriately open to internal experiences while pursuing meaningful action (Hayes et al., 2006). Although this clinical framework should not be equated with nonclinical Shinrin-Yoku guiding, it provides a conceptual distinction between accepting the presence of an emotion and attempting to eliminate it. Acceptance concerns the manner of responding to an experience; it does not imply that distress is inherently beneficial or that difficult experiences must be prolonged.

This distinction is ethically important. A participant who experiences sadness during a forest session should not automatically be informed that the response represents healing, emotional release, or therapeutic progress. Likewise, anxiety or discomfort should not be interpreted as evidence that a process must continue. An appropriate response may involve modifying an activity, offering alternatives, allowing withdrawal, or recognising circumstances requiring support beyond the guide’s professional competence.

The emergence of an emotional response is therefore not equivalent to evidence of therapeutic benefit. Personal reflection may be meaningful without constituting clinical improvement, while experiences that participants perceive as difficult may require careful consideration rather than positive reinterpretation.

My own meditation reflections have included periods in which uncomfortable emotions became more noticeable rather than immediately diminishing. Such observations have informed my interest in the relationship between emotional comfort and contemplative experience. However, they remain personal reflections and cannot establish that discomfort contributes to long-term well-being. Their relevance lies in questioning whether immediate positive affect should be treated as the sole criterion by which the value of contemplative nature engagement is assessed.

8.9. Feeling Better, Feeling Happy, and Experiencing Meaning

The distinction between immediate emotional pleasure and broader dimensions of well-being is important when evaluating nature-based experiences. Ryan and Deci (2001) discussed hedonic perspectives, which emphasise pleasure and positive emotional states, alongside eudaimonic perspectives concerned with meaning, personal development, and the realisation of human capacities. Although these approaches are related, they direct attention toward different dimensions of psychological functioning.

Applied to nature engagement, this distinction suggests that an enjoyable forest walk, a personally meaningful reflection, and the development of environmental responsibility may represent different forms of experience. An individual may report immediate relaxation without developing any enduring relationship with a place, whereas another may encounter a difficult personal reflection that becomes significant over time without producing immediate happiness. Such possibilities demonstrate why the evaluation of nature-based interventions may benefit from considering outcomes beyond short-term affective change.

Nevertheless, conceptual broadening requires scientific caution. Personal significance should not automatically be classified as a therapeutic outcome, and an experience described as meaningful does not necessarily produce measurable improvements in health or psychological functioning. Similarly, the absence of immediate positive emotion does not demonstrate that an intervention has failed, provided that effectiveness is evaluated according to its predefined objectives and appropriate time frame.

It is therefore useful to distinguish among immediate emotional experience, perceived personal meaning, and demonstrated changes in health or well-being. These dimensions may be associated, but they should not be treated as synonymous. Maintaining this distinction allows researchers to investigate the complexity of forest engagement without applying therapeutic interpretations to every personally significant encounter.

8.10. From Nature Contact to Nature Connectedness

The distinction between doing and being becomes particularly relevant when examining the transition from episodic nature contact to an enduring sense of nature connectedness. Nature contact may involve brief or sustained exposure to natural environments, whereas nature connectedness concerns a broader subjective relationship with the natural world, potentially encompassing emotion, identity, belonging, and personal meaning. Although contact may provide opportunities for connectedness to develop, the two constructs are not equivalent.

Lumber et al. (2017) investigated pathways associated with nature connectedness, identifying contact, emotion, compassion, meaning, and beauty as relevant dimensions. Their findings suggest that the character of engagement may be important alongside opportunities for exposure. Intentional practices that encourage individuals to notice beauty or emotional responses may therefore provide one means of supporting connectedness. However, these dimensions may also emerge spontaneously through repeated contact and developing familiarity with a natural place.

Richardson and Sheffield (2017) examined a relatively simple nature-noticing practice in which participants recorded positive observations of nearby nature. Their findings suggested that directing attention toward positive aspects of everyday nature could increase nature connectedness. Importantly, the exercise did not require a professional guide to accompany participants, illustrating that intentional attention and professional facilitation are distinct components of engagement.

This distinction connects with the framework of horizontal and vertical dimensions of forest engagement proposed in previous work (Guziak, 2026a). The horizontal dimension refers to continuity of contact and the integration of nature engagement into everyday life, whereas the vertical dimension concerns qualities such as attention, emotional involvement, and personal significance. These dimensions are presented as a conceptual heuristic rather than an empirically established hierarchy or validated measurement model.

Viewed through this framework, activities may function as initial opportunities for contact, while relationships with natural places may develop over time through repeated experience. A participant may initially visit a forest for a guided session and later return because the place has become familiar, interesting, or personally meaningful. Alternatively, a long-standing relationship with a natural environment may develop without any formal intervention.

The important implication is that the continuity and significance of nature engagement may extend beyond the duration and original intentions of a professionally organised encounter. Research concerned with nature connectedness should therefore distinguish short-term changes following specific activities from longer-term relational processes that may develop through repeated, self-directed contact.

8.11. When Presence Becomes Another Task

The professionalisation of mindfulness and nature-based well-being practices introduces a tension between the intention to cultivate receptive awareness and the organisational requirements of structured programmes. Sessions are commonly delivered through schedules, instructions, predetermined sequences, and outcome-oriented communication. These arrangements may be necessary for accessibility, safety, education, and scientific evaluation. Nevertheless, they may also influence the expectations through which participants approach an experience.

When a session is presented primarily as an opportunity to achieve relaxation, emotional balance, or mindfulness, participants may interpret those states as indicators of successful participation. An individual may become concerned with following instructions correctly, anticipating the next exercise, or assessing whether the desired outcome has occurred. Under such circumstances, a practice intended to encourage present-moment awareness may inadvertently reproduce the evaluative processes it was designed to soften.

This possibility does not demonstrate that structured sessions are inherently counterproductive. For individuals unfamiliar with contemplative engagement, clear invitations may provide orientation and reduce uncertainty. Others may prefer greater autonomy or find an extensive sequence of activities distracting. The relevant question is therefore not whether structure should exist, but whether the form and intensity of structure are appropriate to the participant’s needs and the purpose of the encounter.

Van Dam et al. (2018), in a critical review of mindfulness and meditation research, highlighted conceptual ambiguity, methodological limitations, exaggerated claims, and insufficient attention to potentially adverse experiences. Although their analysis was not specifically concerned with forest therapy, it reinforces the need for careful distinctions between the objectives of a practice and the outcomes that empirical evidence can substantiate.

For Shinrin-Yoku, these considerations suggest that professional communication should avoid implying that relaxation, connectedness, or emotional transformation will necessarily occur. Participants may benefit from understanding that invitations are opportunities rather than performance requirements, and that their experiences need not correspond to those of others.

The challenge is to preserve the organisational and ethical advantages of professional facilitation without transforming every encounter with the forest into an obligation to demonstrate well-being.

8.12. The Role of the Guide: Introducing Structure and Allowing Autonomy

The relationship between activity and receptive awareness has important implications for the professional role of Shinrin-Yoku guides. Appropriate facilitation may contribute to orientation, safety, accessibility, and the development of unfamiliar forms of sensory or reflective engagement. At the same time, professional competence need not be demonstrated through continuous verbal direction or an increasing number of activities.

In The Mindful Tourist’s Scaffolded Model of Engagement (Guziak, 2023), facilitation is conceptualised as a participant-centred process in which external support may be adjusted to allow increasing autonomy. Drawing upon the educational principle of scaffolding, the model suggests that guidance should respond to participants’ developing familiarity and engagement rather than remain fixed at a constant level throughout the session. The broader rationale for the professional role of forest therapy guides has also been considered in Guziak (2026b).

Applied to Shinrin-Yoku, scaffolding may involve providing clearer orientation and sensory invitations during the initial stages of an encounter, followed by opportunities for less-directed exploration, stillness, and independent engagement. This progression should not be understood as a rigid requirement or as evidence that unstructured activity is always preferable. Participants may require additional guidance, clarification, or support at different moments, and the degree of facilitation should remain responsive to individual needs and environmental conditions.

A particularly significant aspect of the guide’s role concerns recognising moments when additional intervention may be unnecessary. When participants become absorbed in a particular aspect of the environment, an invitation may introduce another possibility but may also interrupt their developing experience. Professional judgement therefore includes consideration of when to speak, when to offer alternatives, and when to allow silence or independent attention.

Such restraint should not be confused with the absence of professional responsibility. Even during minimally directed periods, the guide remains accountable for environmental risk management, participant safety, appropriate boundaries, accessibility, and the ethical organisation of the session. Allowing autonomy does not require abandoning care.

From this perspective, effective facilitation may be understood partly through its proportionality: the degree of intervention should be sufficient to support participation without unnecessarily determining its content or meaning. This proposition is theoretically plausible and professionally relevant, although further empirical investigation would be required to establish how variations in facilitation influence participant outcomes.

8.13. Co-Being and the Freedom Not to Perform Well-Being

The principle of co-being, incorporated within the Shinrin-Yoku Association’s educational framework, offers an ethical perspective on the relationship between shared participation and individual autonomy. Co-being recognises that individuals may occupy a common natural environment while experiencing it in different ways, without requiring uniform emotional responses, interpretations, or forms of expression.

Within a guided session, one participant may wish to speak about a personal reflection, another may prefer to observe quietly, and a third may find significance in an experience that cannot readily be communicated. None of these responses should be regarded as inherently more successful than another. The absence of visible emotional expression does not establish that an encounter lacks meaning, just as the presence of intense emotion does not establish therapeutic improvement.

This distinction becomes particularly relevant within group-based activities. Invitations to share reflections may contribute to interpersonal connection, recognition, and a sense of belonging. However, group processes may also create implicit expectations concerning emotional openness, gratitude, or connectedness. Participants who observe others describing profound experiences may feel pressure to report similar responses, even when their own encounters have been ordinary, ambiguous, or difficult.

Ethically responsive facilitation therefore requires that participation in reflective activities remain genuinely voluntary. The opportunity to decline an invitation, remain silent, or withhold personal information should be communicated and respected without requiring justification. Furthermore, participants should not be expected to assign an immediate interpretation to experiences that may remain uncertain or acquire meaning only later.

Co-being consequently supports the possibility of presence without performance. It does not eliminate professional structure, but places limits on the extent to which a guide should prescribe emotional expression or interpret personal experiences on behalf of participants.

The broader ethical implication is that individuals retain authority over the personal meaning of their encounters. A guide may facilitate opportunities for engagement and reflection, but should not assume ownership of the participant’s experience or require it to conform to a preferred therapeutic narrative.

8.14. Can Doing Support Being?

Although the preceding discussion has emphasised the potential importance of unstructured presence, it would be misleading to establish a strict opposition between doing and being. Intentional activity may provide an important pathway toward attentive engagement, while external stillness may coexist with extensive internal cognitive activity. The distinction is therefore more appropriately understood as a relationship between modes of attention than as a division between movement and immobility.

Walking, gardening, drawing, writing, observing wildlife, or caring for plants may involve sustained sensory awareness and responsiveness to environmental conditions. An individual engaged in gardening may attend closely to the texture of soil, variations in plant growth, and changing weather without continually evaluating the activity according to a predetermined psychological outcome. Conversely, a person sitting quietly in a forest may remain preoccupied with planning, self-evaluation, or efforts to eliminate unwanted emotions.

Doing and being may consequently coexist within the same activity. An intentionally organised encounter may support periods of receptive awareness, while spontaneous experiences may prompt purposeful actions. Their relationship may also change throughout a session according to participant familiarity, environmental conditions, emotional state, and the demands of the situation.

Similarly, effort should not automatically be regarded as an obstacle to meaningful experience. Learning to meditate, becoming familiar with a natural environment, or participating safely in an unfamiliar activity may require deliberate concentration and instruction. Over time, some processes may become less effortful, but this does not establish non-effort as a universally superior state.

The practical implication for Shinrin-Yoku is that structured invitations and unstructured periods should be regarded as complementary possibilities. Their relative value depends on how they support the participant’s engagement rather than on their position within an assumed hierarchy of therapeutic effectiveness.

8.15. Nature as a Place to Live, Not Only a Place to Visit for Health

Much research on nature-based interventions is organised around discrete encounters with identifiable beginning and ending points. Participants attend a session, undertake specified activities, complete outcome assessments, and return to their usual environments. This structure is necessary for many forms of experimental investigation and professional service delivery. However, it captures only one dimension of the human relationship with natural environments.

For many individuals, nature engagement occurs through repeated, ordinary contact rather than specialised therapeutic programmes. A familiar garden, neighbourhood tree, forest path, or local green space may become part of daily routines, personal memories, and developing place attachment. The significance of these environments may not depend on a conscious intention to improve health during each encounter.

White et al. (2019), in a large observational study, reported an association between spending at least 120 minutes per week in nature and greater likelihood of reporting good health and well-being. Although the study could not establish causality, its findings highlight the relevance of ordinary recreational nature contact beyond formally organised interventions. Such evidence provides a rationale for investigating the contribution of accessible natural environments to population well-being without assuming that every encounter must be guided or explicitly therapeutic.

From this perspective, one potential contribution of guided Shinrin-Yoku is the introduction of possibilities for engagement that participants may subsequently incorporate into everyday life. A facilitated encounter may help individuals discover familiar locations, develop confidence in spending time outdoors, or become more attentive to nearby nature. The longer-term significance of such experiences may extend beyond the immediate outcomes measured during the original session.

Nevertheless, the promotion of regular nature contact should not transform the experience into another compulsory practice of self-improvement. Recommendations concerning frequency and duration may be useful for public health communication, but they should not imply that every visit must satisfy a predetermined requirement. The possibility of returning to a natural place because it is familiar, enjoyable, interesting, or personally meaningful remains important.

The wider objective may therefore involve supporting access to natural environments and diverse forms of engagement without reducing the value of those environments to their measurable contributions to individual health.

8.16. Implications for Research: Can Being Be Studied Without Becoming Doing?

Investigating unstructured nature engagement presents a methodological challenge. Scientific research commonly requires identifiable conditions, standardised procedures, and outcome measures, whereas spontaneous presence may be characterised precisely by the absence of a predetermined activity. An instruction to remain quietly in a forest for a specified duration creates an experimentally manageable condition, but it also introduces a degree of structure that may influence the participant’s experience.

For example, an individual instructed to sit in a forest for twenty minutes without undertaking a particular activity may remain aware of the research situation, anticipate subsequent assessments, or attempt to experience the period in a manner considered appropriate. The resulting encounter may differ from an ordinary, self-directed visit undertaken without observation or explicit expectations. This does not invalidate experimental research; rather, it indicates that operationally defined non-doing and spontaneous everyday presence should not be assumed to be identical.

A more differentiated research framework would distinguish environmental setting, activity content, professional guidance, social context, and participant intention as separate dimensions wherever methodologically feasible. These components are frequently combined within existing interventions, making it difficult to identify their independent and interactive contributions.

Table 8.2. Proposed comparative conditions for investigating nature engagement

Research condition

Operational characteristics

Principal research question

Methodological consideration

Self-directed nature contact

Participants determine their activities and duration within agreed observation limits

How do individuals experience ordinary nature contact?

Stronger ecological relevance but reduced experimental control

Minimally structured nature exposure

Standardised setting and duration, with few behavioural instructions

What responses occur during relatively simple nature exposure?

Instructions and observation may still influence behaviour

Self-directed contemplative practice

Participants intentionally practise mindful attention without a facilitator

What contribution might intentional attention make independently of professional guidance?

Previous experience and differences in practice require assessment

Professionally guided Shinrin-Yoku

Trained facilitator offers a defined sequence of optional invitations

What additional processes or outcomes are associated with guidance?

Guidance, activity content, group interaction, and expectations may be confounded

Matched natural and built-environment conditions

Similar activity and facilitation across contrasting settings

How does environmental context influence participant responses?

Physical and sensory differences between locations are difficult to isolate fully

Note. These conditions are conceptual proposals for future investigation rather than established categories of therapeutic effectiveness. Their selection should depend on the research question, participant population, ethical requirements, and feasibility.

Future investigations could combine physiological, psychological, and qualitative approaches to examine different dimensions of nature engagement. Physiological measures may provide information concerning selected stress-related responses, while validated psychological instruments could assess perceived restoration, mood, attention, or nature connectedness. Qualitative interviews, reflective journals, and phenomenological analyses could contribute information about personal meaning, spontaneity, emotional complexity, perceived freedom, and the influence of professional instructions.

A mixed-methods approach may be particularly valuable because the experience of being present cannot necessarily be inferred from physiological measurements or self-report scales alone. However, methodological boundaries must be preserved. Participant narratives cannot independently establish physiological mechanisms, and changes in physiological indicators cannot determine whether an encounter was personally meaningful.

Research should also attend to expectations, previous nature experience, individual preferences, accessibility, and social context. A participant who anticipates relaxation may approach an encounter differently from someone who visits the forest for exercise, companionship, or curiosity. Such expectations may influence both the experience itself and subsequent reporting.

Longitudinal designs could investigate whether guided encounters influence later self-directed nature contact, familiarity with particular environments, or enduring nature connectedness. These questions are especially relevant when considering whether the effects of a single intervention extend beyond its immediate duration.

Finally, studies comparing guided and unguided conditions should avoid equating the absence of statistically significant differences with evidence of equivalence. Adequate statistical power, suitable comparison conditions, effect estimates, and appropriately designed equivalence or non-inferiority analyses would be required before concluding that distinct forms of engagement produce comparable outcomes.

The objective of such research should not be to establish that being is superior to doing, or that professional guidance is universally unnecessary. Rather, it should be to determine how environmental exposure, intentional activities, facilitation, and individual characteristics contribute to particular outcomes under specific circumstances.

8.17. Discussion: Can an Experience Be Meaningful Without Producing a Therapeutic Outcome?

The distinction between nature as a place to be and a place to do raises a broader question concerning the criteria through which human experiences are valued. Within clinical and intervention research, defined outcomes are essential for evaluating effectiveness and supporting justified therapeutic claims. However, the significance of ordinary human experience cannot necessarily be reduced to measurable changes in health or psychological functioning.

An individual may spend time in a forest without reporting increased happiness, relaxation, or nature connectedness afterward. The encounter may nevertheless have been interesting, enjoyable, familiar, or personally meaningful. Another individual may experience an unexpected emotional response that remains unresolved, while a third may notice little change. Such possibilities should not automatically be classified as failures, particularly when the encounter was not undertaken with the intention of producing a therapeutic result.

Equally, the possibility of personal meaning should not lead to the assumption that every nature experience is beneficial. Natural environments may involve physical hazards, uncomfortable conditions, difficult memories, or unwanted social interactions. Certain encounters may be unpleasant or harmful. Recognising the potential value of unstructured presence therefore requires acknowledging its limitations rather than romanticising nature as universally restorative.

A central concern is the expanding use of therapeutic terminology to describe ordinary human activities. Walking, gardening, writing, observing wildlife, and sitting outdoors may contribute to well-being, but they do not require a therapeutic designation to possess value. Describing every personally significant encounter as therapy risks obscuring distinctions among recreation, contemplation, relational experience, professional intervention, and clinical treatment.

This concern is particularly relevant to Shinrin-Yoku because its foundational emphasis on immersion in the forest atmosphere does not necessarily require a continuous sequence of prescribed activities. Immersion may be experienced through movement, stillness, sensory awareness, spontaneous observation, shared presence, or personal reflection. These possibilities can coexist within a professionally facilitated session without being arranged according to a fixed hierarchy.

The professional contribution of the guide should therefore not be evaluated solely according to the quantity of activities introduced. It may also involve creating appropriate conditions for safety, accessibility, autonomy, and meaningful choice. A guide can prepare a location, assess environmental risks, communicate relevant information, and introduce opportunities for engagement. However, the particular meaning of an encounter remains partly beyond professional determination.

The discussion consequently suggests three distinct propositions. First, natural environments may contribute to psychological or physiological responses without extensive professional organisation. Second, intentional activities and facilitation may influence how individuals engage with those environments, although their additional contributions require context-specific investigation. Third, the subjective significance of an encounter may extend beyond both the original intervention objectives and the outcomes selected for measurement.

These propositions are compatible rather than contradictory. Their integration supports a relational approach in which the experience of nature is understood as emerging through interactions among environmental conditions, individual characteristics, intentional practices, social relationships, and personal interpretation.

8.18. Conclusion: The Possibility of Simply Being

The distinction between doing and being provides a conceptual framework for examining contemporary approaches to Shinrin-Yoku, forest bathing, and forest therapy. Activity-oriented interventions offer methodological clarity, opportunities for evaluation, and professional structures that may support safe and accessible engagement. At the same time, an exclusive emphasis on prescribed activities risks overlooking forms of experience that emerge through unstructured presence, spontaneous attention, and developing relationships with natural environments.

The available evidence demonstrates that psychological and physiological responses may occur under different conditions of nature exposure, while the relative contributions of environmental characteristics, intentional activity, and professional facilitation remain incompletely understood. Recent comparative research does not establish a universal therapeutic hierarchy between guided and unguided engagement. Consequently, the presence of structure should not be treated as sufficient evidence of increased benefit, nor should the absence of structure be interpreted as evidence that meaningful or potentially beneficial processes cannot occur.

Mindfulness theory further suggests that doing and being are not mutually exclusive states. Goal-directed activity may create opportunities for receptive awareness, while moments of external stillness may involve substantial cognitive effort. Similarly, intentional guidance may support autonomous engagement without determining its content. The relationship between structure and openness is therefore dynamic, context-dependent, and influenced by individual needs.

Within professional Shinrin-Yoku, this perspective encourages an approach to facilitation grounded in preparation, responsiveness, ethical responsibility, and appropriate restraint. The guide may offer opportunities for attention, exploration, reflection, and interpersonal connection while recognising that participants retain autonomy over their engagement and the interpretation of their experiences. Professional responsibility includes knowing when intervention is required, but it may also involve recognising when additional direction is unnecessary.

This understanding does not diminish the possible importance of guides. Rather, it clarifies the limits of professional agency and challenges the assumption that therapeutic potential increases automatically with the degree of organisation. A carefully structured session may be valuable for certain participants and purposes, while a quiet, self-directed encounter may be equally meaningful, or may support different outcomes, under other circumstances.

Ultimately, the distinction between doing and being invites a reconsideration of how nature experiences are understood, facilitated, and evaluated. A forest can be a place for walking, learning, observing, practising mindfulness, and participating in guided activities. It can also be a place in which a person remains present without attempting to accomplish a particular objective. Neither possibility should be presumed therapeutically superior without appropriate evidence.

We can organise the conditions of an experience, but we cannot fully organise the experience itself.

This recognition may be central to a more nuanced understanding of Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy. It allows us to acknowledge the potential contributions of environmental exposure, professional guidance, and intentional practice while preserving the possibility that meaningful experiences may emerge beyond the objectives established in advance.

The forest may provide conditions in which experiences unfold. A guide may introduce opportunities and support engagement. Yet the participant’s experience remains an evolving relationship that cannot be entirely anticipated, prescribed, or measured.

Recognising this uncertainty does not weaken the scientific investigation of nature-based interventions. Instead, it identifies a central responsibility for future research: to examine the mechanisms and outcomes of different forms of engagement without assuming that their value must originate exclusively in prescribed activities.

The question is therefore not whether individuals should do something or simply be in the forest, but how different orientations toward nature may contribute to human experience, under what circumstances they may support well-being, and where their meanings extend beyond therapeutic objectives.

Sometimes an activity may help us enter into an experience. At other times, the experience may be allowed to unfold without another activity being introduced. Both possibilities deserve consideration within the wider understanding of human engagement with nature.

References

Bishop, S. R., Lau, M., Shapiro, S., Carlson, L., Anderson, N. D., Carmody, J., Segal, Z. V., Abbey, S., Speca, M., Velting, D., & Devins, G. (2004). Mindfulness: A proposed operational definition. Clinical Psychology: Science and Practice, 11(3), 230–241. https://doi.org/10.1093/clipsy.bph077

Brown, K. W., & Ryan, R. M. (2003). The benefits of being present: Mindfulness and its role in psychological well-being. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 84(4), 822–848. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.84.4.822

Choe, E. Y., Jorgensen, A., & Sheffield, D. (2020). Does a natural environment enhance the effectiveness of Mindfulness-Based Stress Reduction (MBSR)? Examining the mental health and wellbeing, and nature connectedness benefits. Landscape and Urban Planning, 202, Article 103886. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.landurbplan.2020.103886

Coventry, P. A., Brown, J. V. E., Pervin, J., Brabyn, S., Pateman, R., Breedvelt, J., Gilbody, S., Stancliffe, R., McEachan, R., & White, P. C. L. (2021). Nature-based outdoor activities for mental and physical health: Systematic review and meta-analysis. SSM – Population Health, 16, Article 100934. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ssmph.2021.100934

Gesler, W. M. (1992). Therapeutic landscapes: Medical issues in light of the new cultural geography. Social Science & Medicine, 34(7), 735–746. https://doi.org/10.1016/0277-9536(92)90360-3

Gibson, J. J. (1979). The ecological approach to visual perception. Houghton Mifflin.

Guziak, M. A. (2023). Scaffolded model of engagement for facilitating guided forest therapy sessions. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI120230518en5

Guziak, M. A. (2026a). Spending time in the forest: Modalities of engagement, connection, and care. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI3202602-EN-2

Guziak, M. A. (2026b). Why we need forest therapy guides. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI3202601en

Hayes, S. C., Luoma, J. B., Bond, F. W., Masuda, A., & Lillis, J. (2006). Acceptance and commitment therapy: Model, processes and outcomes. Behaviour Research and Therapy, 44(1), 1–25. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.brat.2005.06.006

Lumber, R., Richardson, M., & Sheffield, D. (2017). Beyond knowing nature: Contact, emotion, compassion, meaning, and beauty are pathways to nature connection. PLOS ONE, 12(5), Article e0177186. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0177186

Park, B.-J., Tsunetsugu, Y., Kasetani, T., Kagawa, T., & Miyazaki, Y. (2010). The physiological effects of Shinrin-Yoku (taking in the forest atmosphere or forest bathing): Evidence from field experiments in 24 forests across Japan. Environmental Health and Preventive Medicine, 15(1), 18–26. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12199-009-0086-9

Richardson, M., & Sheffield, D. (2017). Three good things in nature: Noticing nearby nature brings sustained increases in connection with nature. PsyEcology, 8(1), 1–32. https://doi.org/10.1080/21711976.2016.1267136

Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2001). On happiness and human potentials: A review of research on hedonic and eudaimonic well-being. Annual Review of Psychology, 52, 141–166. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.psych.52.1.141

Segal, Z. V., Williams, J. M. G., & Teasdale, J. D. (2013). Mindfulness-based cognitive therapy for depression (2nd ed.). Guilford Press.

Tuan, Y.-F. (1977). Space and place: The perspective of experience. University of Minnesota Press.

Van Dam, N. T., van Vugt, M. K., Vago, D. R., Schmalzl, L., Saron, C. D., Olendzki, A., Meissner, T., Lazar, S. W., Kerr, C. E., Gorchov, J., Fox, K. C. R., Field, B. A., Britton, W. B., Brefczynski-Lewis, J. A., & Meyer, D. E. (2018). Mind the hype: A critical evaluation and prescriptive agenda for research on mindfulness and meditation. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 13(1), 36–61. https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691617709589

White, M. P., Alcock, I., Grellier, J., Wheeler, B. W., Hartig, T., Warber, S. L., Bone, A., Depledge, M. H., & Fleming, L. E. (2019). Spending at least 120 minutes a week in nature is associated with good health and wellbeing. Scientific Reports, 9, Article 7730. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-019-44097-3

Zhang, Z., Gao, Y., Huang, X., & Ye, B. (2026). Comparing guided and unguided forest bathing for graduate student stress management: A pilot study. Frontiers in Psychology, 17, Article 1759571. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2026.1759571

Section 09 · Relational Framework

We Share the Forest. Not the Same Experience.

Guided Shinrin-Yoku is more than the delivery of activities. It is a relational encounter emerging through the guide, the participants, the natural environment, and sometimes the presence of others.

Explore four complementary principles that help us reconsider participation, autonomy, responsibility, and the meaning of being together.

Shared
Forest
Encounter
Guide Participant Forest Group
01 · Conceptual Foundations

Four Ways of Understanding One Encounter

Select any principle below to explore its meaning, practical implications, and professional limitations.

01 / RELATIONSHIP

Co-Creation

The experience develops through interaction, not through the guide alone.

A guide prepares the environment, assesses risks, and develops invitations. However, participants respond in different ways, while environmental conditions continue to change.

Co-creation is the relationship between intentional preparation and responsiveness to what emerges during the encounter.

Example in practice A planned sensory invitation is adapted when participants become interested in unexpected birdsong or changes in light.
02 / ETHICS

Co-Responsibility

Shared participation, but differentiated professional accountability.

Participants may communicate needs, preferences, limitations, and boundaries. The guide remains responsible for professional preparation, safeguarding, appropriate adaptation, and decisions within their scope of practice.

Meaningful choice must be practically possible, rather than merely stated.

Example in practice A participant may decline an invitation to close their eyes. The guide respects that decision while maintaining essential safety requirements.
03 / PRESENCE

Co-Being

Presence without the obligation to perform well-being.

Participants do not need to demonstrate relaxation, gratitude, insight, or emotional transformation. Silence, curiosity, discomfort, and reflection can coexist.

Emotional disclosure is voluntary. The absence of a visible response does not necessarily indicate disengagement.

Example in practice During a sharing circle, one person describes gratitude, another describes a simple observation, and another chooses silence. All are respected.
04 / TOGETHERNESS

Co-Experiencing

We can share a place without sharing identical perceptions or meanings.

Individuals may encounter the same forest, route, and invitation while experiencing different sensations, memories, and emotions.

Collective participation does not eliminate individual interpretation.

Example in practice Several participants observe the same tree. One notices its bark, another recalls a memory, and another simply enjoys the shade.
Important distinction: These concepts are proposed ethical, pedagogical, and phenomenological orientations. They are not independently validated therapeutic mechanisms.
02 · Relational Model

What Contributes to a Forest Experience?

The experience may arise through several interacting contributions. Their relative importance can differ between participants and circumstances.

The Guide

Preparation, structure, invitations, safeguarding, and professional judgement.

The Participant

Attention, memories, perception, personal choice, and interpretation.

The Forest

Ecological processes, sensory conditions, opportunities, and constraints.

The Group

Shared presence, companionship, social expectations, and interaction.

Shared Conditions ≠ Identical Experiences

The guide, participants, forest, and group may influence one another without possessing equivalent forms of agency or professional responsibility.

03 · From Theory to Practice

The TMT® Scaffolded Model of Engagement

Explore an illustrative progression from structured orientation toward increasing experiential freedom. These are facilitation contexts, not compulsory stages or a fixed therapeutic protocol.

01

Orientation and Safety

Establishing the framework

The guide introduces the environment, communicates safety considerations, and explains the voluntary nature of experiential invitations.

Relational focus: Co-responsibility and co-being.

02

Structured Engagement

Offering accessible invitations

More clearly defined invitations may support orientation and familiarity while allowing participants to respond in different ways.

Relational focus: Co-creation and meaningful choice.

03

Open Exploration

Allowing experiential freedom

Where appropriate, the guide reduces direction, allowing participants greater freedom to follow their attention, interests, and sensory experiences.

Relational focus: Co-being and co-creation.

04

Reflection and Closing

Togetherness without uniformity

Participants may reflect privately, share observations, or remain silent. No particular emotional interpretation or disclosure is required.

Relational focus: Co-experiencing and co-being.

Professional judgement matters: Greater freedom is not always more appropriate. Some participants benefit from continued structure, and guides remain responsible for safety and appropriate adaptation.
04 · Research Perspective

What Does the Evidence Suggest?

Research provides reasons to examine the effects of guidance and social context without assuming that group participation is always more therapeutic than solitude.

KIM & SHIN · 2021

Guided vs. Self-Guided

In a study of 37 students, guided participants more frequently reported themes involving emotional change and social interaction. Self-guided participants more frequently reported introspective experiences.

These reported differences do not establish that guidance produces superior therapeutic outcomes.

Read study ↗
YU ET AL. · 2021

Social Context and Restoration

A comparison of guided, self-guided, and solitary forest experiences reported improvements in selected mood-related outcomes across conditions.

Most between-condition comparisons of restorative changes were not statistically significant.

Read study ↗
POLLARD ET AL. · 2025

Groups, Care, and Belonging

Ethnographic research involving walking and gardening groups highlighted the importance of group leaders, relationships, coordination, and environmental conditions.

Social support depends on how group participation is organised and experienced.

Read study ↗
Evidence and interpretation: The available studies help explain why guidance and social context deserve investigation. They do not directly validate the four relational principles as causal therapeutic mechanisms. Ethical facilitation, meaningful experience, and measured therapeutic outcomes remain distinct dimensions of evaluation.
05 · Closing Reflection
“We can share a forest without sharing the same experience, and we can co-create an encounter without claiming ownership of what another person discovers within it.”

Relational guiding is not about producing identical experiences. It is about creating appropriate conditions for attention, participation, autonomy, ecological respect, and professional care.

Whether these conditions contribute to therapeutic outcomes—and through which mechanisms—remains an important question for future research.

Conceptual framework: Milena A. Guziak · The Mindful Tourist
Related publication: TMT® Scaffolded Model of Engagement ↗

 9. Co-Experiencing, Co-Creation, Co-Responsibility, and Co-Being: A Relational Framework for Guided Shinrin-Yoku Sessions

A relational understanding of Shinrin-Yoku requires reconsideration of the conventional distinction between the professional who delivers an intervention and the participant who receives it. Although this distinction is necessary for defining professional roles, responsibilities, and standards of practice, it may not adequately describe the complex and dynamic character of human experiences in natural environments. A guided forest encounter is not produced exclusively through the intentions or actions of a facilitator. Rather, it develops through interactions among environmental conditions, participant characteristics, individual perceptions, personal histories, professional decisions, and, in group settings, interpersonal relationships. Consequently, the experience cannot be understood solely as the implementation of a predetermined sequence of activities designed to produce particular psychological or physiological outcomes.

Within The Mindful Tourist and Shinrin-Yoku Association educational frameworks, I have developed three interrelated principles intended to support a relational, participant-centred understanding of professional guiding: co-creation, co-responsibility, and co-being. These principles complement the TMT® Scaffolded Model of Engagement (Guziak, 2023), which approaches guidance as a dynamic process in which the degree of structure, assistance, and experiential freedom can be adapted to participants’ circumstances. A fourth concept, co-experiencing, extends this framework by examining the relationship between collective participation and individual perception. Together, these concepts provide an interpretative framework for understanding guided Shinrin-Yoku as an encounter shaped by multiple contributors rather than an intervention whose experiential content is determined by the guide alone.

The proposed framework is conceptual, pedagogical, and ethical in orientation. It has emerged from professional guiding and educational practice and is informed by relevant research in environmental perception, motivation, social relationships, and nature-based interventions. However, the four principles should not be regarded as independently validated therapeutic mechanisms. Their purpose is to clarify the conditions under which forest experiences may be facilitated while preserving professional accountability, participant autonomy, ecological awareness, and the diversity of individual responses. Their possible relationships with measurable therapeutic outcomes remain subjects for empirical investigation.

9.1. From Intervention Delivery to Relational Participation

Research on nature-based interventions frequently describes professional programmes according to their duration, structure, activities, delivery methods, and intended outcomes. Such descriptions are essential for methodological transparency, reproducibility, and the interpretation of research findings. They allow investigators to identify what was delivered, under which conditions, and to whom. Nevertheless, the procedural description of an intervention should not be confused with a complete explanation of the experience generated through participation. Two individuals may follow the same instructions, encounter similar environmental conditions, and spend an equivalent amount of time in a forest while reporting substantially different sensory, emotional, or psychological responses.

This distinction can be considered in relation to Gibson’s (1979) ecological approach to perception, particularly the concept of affordances. Within this perspective, the possibilities offered by an environment arise through relationships between environmental characteristics and the capacities of the organism encountering them. A forest path may offer possibilities for exploration, but its accessibility and significance differ according to mobility, confidence, familiarity, and personal preference. A quiet clearing may be experienced as restorative by one participant and unsettling by another. Similarly, a tree may attract attention through its physical characteristics, ecological significance, aesthetic qualities, or associations with personal memories. These possibilities cannot be attributed entirely to either the environment or the individual, but emerge through their relationship.

In guided Shinrin-Yoku, the professional may direct attention towards particular environmental features or introduce invitations intended to encourage sensory engagement, mindfulness, or reflection. However, the guide does not determine how an invitation will be perceived, which environmental elements will become significant, or whether a particular experience will acquire personal meaning. The participant contributes through perception, attention, choice, interpretation, and previous experience, while the forest contributes changing ecological conditions and possibilities for engagement. The resulting encounter may therefore be understood as relational without suggesting that all contributors exercise equivalent forms of agency.

This distinction is particularly important for maintaining conceptual precision. Guides exercise intentional professional agency and remain accountable for decisions within their scope of practice. Participants exercise personal agency through their engagement and responses, although their freedom may be influenced by contextual, physical, social, or psychological conditions. The forest contributes ecological and sensory conditions but does not possess human therapeutic intentions or professional responsibilities. A relational account therefore recognises interactions among different forms of influence without conflating environmental contribution, personal interpretation, and professional accountability.

9.2. Conceptual Foundations of the Four Relational Principles

The four concepts describe related but analytically distinct dimensions of guided forest experiences. Co-creation addresses how an encounter develops, co-responsibility concerns the distribution of participation and professional obligations, co-being examines the conditions of presence without performance, and co-experiencing concerns the coexistence of shared circumstances and individual experience. Their distinction is important because the use of relational terminology may otherwise obscure differences between experiential processes, professional ethics, and potential therapeutic outcomes.

Table 9.1. Conceptual distinctions among the four relational principles

Principle

Central concern

Implications for professional guiding

Conceptual limitation

Co-creation

Experiences develop through interactions among participants, guides, and environmental conditions.

Prepare an intentional structure while remaining responsive to emerging circumstances.

Does not imply that every contributor has equivalent agency or that spontaneity replaces professional planning.

Co-responsibility

Participation involves communication and personal choice within differentiated responsibilities.

Enable meaningful choice while retaining professional responsibility for preparation, risk assessment, and safeguarding.

Does not transfer professional accountability to participants.

Co-being

Presence and participation do not require the achievement or demonstration of predetermined psychological states.

Respect silence, emotional diversity, personal boundaries, and the right not to disclose.

Does not imply that every experience is beneficial or that appropriate professional intervention should be withheld.

Co-experiencing

Individuals may share an environment, activity, or period of time without sharing identical perceptions or meanings.

Facilitate collective participation while preserving individual interpretation and preferences for social engagement.

Does not establish that group experiences are necessarily more therapeutic than individual encounters.

Note. The principles are proposed as ethical, pedagogical, and phenomenological orientations rather than empirically established therapeutic mechanisms. Co-creation, co-responsibility, and co-being constitute the three foundational principles within the author’s educational framework; co-experiencing is introduced here as an additional analytical concept.

Although these principles can be discussed separately, they frequently operate simultaneously within professional practice. When a guide modifies an invitation because a participant requires additional rest, the adaptation may illustrate co-creation through responsiveness to an emerging circumstance and co-responsibility through attention to participant needs and professional duty of care. If the participant is able to decline the invitation without feeling obliged to explain the decision, the encounter may additionally reflect co-being. In a group setting, allowing different individuals to respond to the same invitation in different ways may illustrate co-experiencing. Their value therefore lies not in categorising every professional action under a single principle, but in recognising several dimensions of relational practice.

9.3. Co-Creation: The Relationship Between Structure and Emergence

Co-creation recognises that a guided forest experience develops through interactions among intentional professional organisation, participant responses, and changing environmental circumstances. It does not imply that the session should be unstructured or that professional expertise becomes unnecessary. On the contrary, meaningful responsiveness depends partly on adequate preparation. The guide remains responsible for selecting an appropriate location, evaluating foreseeable risks, considering accessibility, identifying participant needs, developing invitations, and preparing an overall sequence of activities. These decisions establish conditions within which the encounter can unfold safely and coherently, while recognising that its experiential content cannot be fully predetermined.

The distinction between preparation and emergence becomes apparent when circumstances depart from the original plan. Unexpected changes in weather may require adjustment of the route, a participant may wish to remain longer in a particular location, or a group may become engaged with an environmental feature that was not anticipated during session preparation. In such circumstances, rigid adherence to the original protocol may be less appropriate than thoughtful modification. Professional judgement therefore involves recognising which elements of the session must remain stable for safety and coherence, and which may be adapted in response to participants and environmental conditions. Co-creation can consequently be understood as the relationship between intentional structure and situational responsiveness rather than as an alternative to structured facilitation.

A related conceptual perspective can be found in Wenger’s (1998) work on learning through participation and communities of practice. Wenger’s analysis emphasises the development of meaning through participation in social activity rather than its exclusive transmission from one person to another. Although this work does not establish the therapeutic effectiveness of co-creation in forest settings, it supports consideration of participants as active contributors to the development of experience and meaning. In guided Shinrin-Yoku, the professional provides opportunities for engagement, but participants are not simply recipients of the guide’s interpretations. They participate in the encounter through their own attention, choices, observations, and relationships with the environment.

This understanding has particular implications for the formulation of invitations. An invitation directed towards a natural feature may provide a common point of orientation without requiring an identical response. Participants may attend to texture, colour, movement, personal associations, or ecological relationships, while others may find the proposed activity uninteresting or uncomfortable. The professional task is not to ensure that the intended interpretation occurs, but to provide appropriate opportunities for engagement and to remain responsive to the resulting diversity of experiences. The effectiveness of a particular invitation as a facilitation strategy may therefore depend not only on its design, but also on its timing, accessibility, contextual appropriateness, and the degree of freedom it allows.

9.4. The Forest as an Ecological Contributor to Experience

Co-creation also requires reconsideration of the role attributed to the natural environment. In conventional intervention descriptions, the forest may be treated primarily as the setting in which professional activities are delivered. Such descriptions are methodologically useful, but they risk underrepresenting the changing environmental conditions that influence what participants can encounter and how they may respond. Forest environments are dynamic ecological systems characterised by variation in light, temperature, humidity, vegetation, wildlife activity, seasonal processes, and sensory conditions. These variations can alter the possibilities for movement, observation, attention, comfort, and interaction throughout a session.

Environmental change may consequently influence the direction of an experience independently of the guide’s intentions. An unexpected birdsong may attract attention during a planned period of silence, changes in light may become the focus of observation, or rainfall may require reconsideration of an activity. The forest contributes both opportunities and constraints, and these contributions may be relevant to physical safety as well as the subjective character of the encounter. Professional competence therefore involves ecological attentiveness: the ability to observe environmental changes, identify their practical implications, and respond appropriately without assuming that all environmental events possess predetermined psychological significance.

However, recognising environmental contribution should not involve anthropomorphising nature or attributing therapeutic intentions to ecological processes. The forest does not consciously collaborate with the guide, select outcomes for participants, or assume responsibility for their well-being. Its role is ecological and causal rather than professionally intentional. Equally, the significance of an environmental event cannot be inferred solely from its physical characteristics. A sudden change in weather may evoke curiosity, discomfort, excitement, or indifference depending on the individual and circumstances. A relational understanding should therefore distinguish the occurrence of an environmental event from the meaning attributed to it.

This distinction is relevant to the wider question of when nature experiences become therapeutic. Forest environments may provide opportunities associated with restoration or other forms of meaningful engagement, but their presence alone does not establish a particular therapeutic process or outcome. Whether an encounter becomes beneficial, challenging, or personally significant requires consideration of the relationship between environmental conditions and participant characteristics, rather than the assumption that the forest necessarily produces an intended psychological effect.

9.5. Co-Responsibility: Participant Agency and Differentiated Professional Accountability

The principle of co-responsibility concerns the relationship between participant participation, communication, personal choice, and the professional duty of care. Within guided Shinrin-Yoku, participants may contribute to the appropriate development of a session by expressing preferences, identifying limitations, communicating discomfort, or requesting modifications. Such communication may enable guides to respond to needs that could not have been anticipated during preparation. Nevertheless, shared participation must not be confused with equal professional responsibility. Guides retain accountability for decisions within their professional role, including reasonable preparation, risk assessment, safeguarding, clear communication, and recognition of the limits of their competence.

The distinction between shared participation and differentiated accountability is especially relevant when considering physical and psychological safety. A participant cannot be expected to possess the guide’s knowledge of environmental hazards, terrain conditions, route planning, or professional boundaries. Nor should a participant’s decision to attend be interpreted as an assumption of responsibility for risks that the guide should reasonably have considered. Within the Shinrin-Yoku Association’s Code of Conduct and Guidelines, expectations concerning safety, professional integrity, inclusivity, ecological responsibility, and respect for participants provide an ethical context for such decisions (Shinrin Yoku Association, n.d.; Guziak, 2025). Co-responsibility should therefore strengthen professional accountability by encouraging communication and participation without displacing the duties associated with professional facilitation.

Self-Determination Theory provides a complementary perspective on the psychological conditions of participation. Deci and Ryan (2000) identify autonomy, competence, and relatedness as fundamental psychological needs relevant to motivation and well-being. Applied cautiously to Shinrin-Yoku, this framework suggests that participants may benefit from conditions in which they experience meaningful choice, develop confidence in their engagement, and encounter respectful interpersonal relationships. Autonomy may involve deciding how to respond to an invitation or whether to participate at all, competence may involve developing familiarity with a forest setting or activity, and relatedness may involve feeling respected within the group. These are theoretical applications to professional practice rather than demonstrated causal effects of the proposed co-responsibility principle.

Meaningful autonomy requires more than the verbal statement that participation is voluntary. Professional authority, group expectations, cultural norms, and uncertainty about acceptable behaviour may influence whether individuals feel able to decline an invitation. A participant may hesitate to express disagreement because the activity has been proposed by a trained guide or because other group members appear willing to participate. Consequently, the absence of an expressed objection should not automatically be interpreted as evidence of comfort or consent. Guides should communicate options clearly, provide reasonable alternatives, and respond without judgement when participants exercise personal choice.

Consent should also be understood as an ongoing process. An individual may initially agree to an invitation involving closed eyes, physical contact, sensory exploration, or personal reflection and subsequently decide not to continue. Professional responsiveness includes recognising changes in willingness and adapting the activity where appropriate. At the same time, the freedom to decline experiential participation must be distinguished from essential safety procedures. A participant may choose not to engage in a reflective activity, but the guide remains responsible for maintaining reasonable safeguarding requirements. Co-responsibility therefore involves negotiating freedom within an appropriate professional framework rather than treating personal preference and safety obligations as interchangeable.

9.6. Co-Being: Presence Without the Obligation to Perform Well-Being

Co-being concerns the possibility of participating in a guided forest encounter without being required to achieve, display, or communicate a predetermined psychological state. Shinrin-Yoku sessions may be organised around intentions such as mindfulness, relaxation, reflection, sensory awareness, or nature connectedness, but these intentions should not become implicit standards against which participants judge the adequacy of their experiences. A person may enter a forest feeling anxious and experience temporary calm, while another may become restless, distracted, emotional, or physically uncomfortable. Others may report little discernible change. The diversity of these responses is compatible with meaningful participation, although it does not imply that every response is necessarily beneficial.

This principle becomes particularly important when the social or instructional atmosphere creates expectations of improvement. Participants may hear others describe gratitude, calmness, connectedness, or emotional release and begin questioning why they have not experienced similar responses. The resulting comparison may influence how the encounter is interpreted, even when the guide has not explicitly prescribed a particular outcome. Co-being therefore encourages facilitators to distinguish between providing opportunities for experience and establishing normative expectations about what that experience should produce. A session intended to support relaxation should not communicate that restlessness represents failure, just as an invitation to mindfulness should not imply that pleasant emotions are necessary evidence of successful participation.

Silence illustrates this distinction. In guided Shinrin-Yoku, silence may create opportunities for sensory attention, observation, reflection, or temporary freedom from ordinary social demands. However, silence may also evoke uncertainty, discomfort, or a desire for interpersonal reassurance. Its significance depends on context and individual experience. A participant who remains quiet during group reflection may be deeply engaged, uncertain about speaking, protecting personal boundaries, or simply uninterested in verbal expression. Consequently, silence should not be treated automatically as evidence of mindfulness, emotional withdrawal, or therapeutic progress.

Co-being also has implications for the interpretation of emotional expression. Tears, laughter, gratitude, or descriptions of personal insight may be significant to the individual experiencing them, but they do not independently establish that a clinically meaningful therapeutic outcome has occurred. Equally, the absence of visible emotional expression should not be interpreted as the absence of engagement. The guide’s task is to allow a range of responses to coexist without imposing psychological interpretations or requiring participants to explain themselves. This orientation does not eliminate the need to respond appropriately to distress; rather, it distinguishes respectful non-interference from situations in which professional support, safeguarding, or referral may be required.

Within this framework, presence becomes a legitimate form of participation. Individuals may remain part of a shared encounter without demonstrating improvement, producing reflective narratives, or adopting the guide’s interpretation of what the forest experience should mean. Co-being can therefore be considered an ethical orientation towards non-coercive participation, while the actual psychological consequences of such an orientation remain open to empirical investigation.

9.7. Co-Experiencing: Collective Presence and Individual Difference

The concept of co-experiencing extends the three relational principles by addressing an important phenomenological distinction: individuals can encounter the same environment together without undergoing the same experience. Group participation creates shared spatial, temporal, and social conditions, but these conditions do not establish identical sensory perception, emotional response, or personal meaning. Several people standing beneath the same forest canopy may encounter similar environmental stimuli, yet their attention may be directed towards different features. One person may notice birdsong, another the movement of leaves, and another the physical sensation of standing on uneven ground. Even when attention is directed towards the same object, its significance may differ according to personal memory, cultural background, psychological state, or prior experience.

The distinction between shared circumstances and individual experience challenges the assumption that collective participation necessarily produces experiential similarity. A group may follow the same route, listen to the same invitation, and participate in the same reflective activity while developing markedly different interpretations of the encounter. A tree may evoke gratitude in one participant and grief in another, while remaining primarily an object of ecological interest to someone else. These differences need not indicate that the activity was unsuccessful or that participants failed to engage with its intended purpose. Rather, they illustrate the diversity of possibilities associated with a common environment.

Co-experiencing therefore involves a relationship between togetherness and difference. The presence of others may influence attention, emotional responses, perceptions of safety, or opportunities for social connection, but it does not eliminate individual autonomy or establish a collective psychological experience. A group can constitute a temporary community of participation without becoming a single interpretative subject. The professional challenge is to support opportunities for shared engagement while preserving the legitimacy of differing responses and preferences.

This distinction has particular implications for group reflection. Shared invitations may provide common reference points for discussion, but participants should not be encouraged to adopt a dominant interpretation of their experiences. A guide may invite individuals to describe observations or impressions while recognising that the absence of an elaborate response does not indicate superficial engagement. Co-experiencing, in this sense, concerns the possibility of being together without requiring experiential uniformity.

9.8. Empirical Evidence on Guidance, Social Context, and Forest Experiences

The relevance of guidance and social participation to forest-based experiences has been examined in a limited but informative body of empirical research. Existing findings suggest that different arrangements of professional facilitation, independent exploration, and social interaction may influence the character of forest encounters. However, the available studies differ in population, intervention design, outcome measures, and analytical approach, and they do not consistently demonstrate that guided group experiences produce superior therapeutic outcomes.

Kim and Shin (2021) examined differences between guided and self-guided forest therapy among 37 undergraduate students randomly allocated to two conditions. Their analysis of 111 written reflections identified common sensory themes across both forms of participation. However, self-guided participants more frequently described introspective experiences, while guided participants more frequently reported themes associated with emotional change and social interaction. These findings suggest that the organisation of a forest experience may influence the types of experiences participants report. Nevertheless, the study’s small and relatively homogeneous sample, reliance on written reflections, and differences between intervention conditions limit the extent to which particular effects can be attributed to the guide’s presence alone.

Yu et al. (2021) investigated physiological and psychological restoration across three forest therapy arrangements in Taiwan: a guided programme, a self-guided programme involving a map and suggested activities, and a solitary walking condition. Improvements in several mood-related measures were observed across the conditions, while physiological responses varied. Most comparisons of changes in restorative outcomes did not reveal statistically significant differences between programme types, although a difference in sympathetic nervous activity was reported between the solitary walking and guided conditions. These findings suggest that restorative responses may occur across multiple forms of forest engagement without establishing the superiority of one social arrangement. The results also indicate the importance of distinguishing the presence of a guide from the additional instructional, interpersonal, and activity-related components that may accompany guided programmes.

Research from adjacent fields further demonstrates that the social organisation of nature-based activities can influence their accessibility and experiential character. Pollard et al. (2025), in an ethnographic investigation of walking and gardening groups within green social prescribing, found that participation depended on relationships among group members, activity leaders, referring professionals, and changing environmental circumstances. Their findings emphasised the coordination and interpersonal work required to integrate individuals into existing groups, as well as the variable suitability of different activities for participants. Although the research did not evaluate the four principles proposed here or establish the therapeutic effectiveness of Shinrin-Yoku group sessions, it provides relevant evidence that organised nature-based activities cannot be understood independently of their social and organisational context.

Table 9.2. Selected research relevant to the relational and social dimensions of guided forest experiences

Study

Design and context

Main findings relevant to Section 9

Principal limitation for interpretation

Kim & Shin (2021)

Randomised comparison of guided and self-guided forest therapy; 37 university students; qualitative analysis of written reflections.

Guided participation was associated with more reported themes of emotional change and social interaction; self-guided participation with more introspection.

Small sample; reported themes do not establish causal therapeutic mechanisms or clinical superiority.

Yu et al. (2021)

Three-condition forest field experiment involving guided, map-based self-guided, and solitary walking programmes.

Mood-related improvements occurred across conditions; most between-condition differences in changes in restoration measures were not statistically significant.

Guidance, social context, and activity design were not independently isolated.

Pollard et al. (2025)

Ethnographic investigation of walking and gardening groups within green social prescribing.

Supportive participation depended partly on coordination, interpersonal relationships, group characteristics, and environmental conditions.

Context-specific qualitative study; not a direct test of Shinrin-Yoku or the proposed principles.

Holt-Lunstad et al. (2010)

Meta-analysis of 148 studies examining social relationships and mortality risk.

Stronger social relationships were associated with increased likelihood of survival.

Evidence concerns broader social relationships and cannot be extrapolated directly to the effects of a single guided forest session.

Note. The studies provide evidence relevant to the social organisation and possible outcomes of nature-based engagement. None directly validates co-creation, co-responsibility, co-being, or co-experiencing as therapeutic mechanisms.

Taken together, these studies support a cautious interpretation. Guidance and social participation may influence what individuals attend to, how they describe their experiences, and the opportunities available for interpersonal engagement. However, the presence of a professional or group does not necessarily produce greater restoration, and social interaction should not be assumed to operate as an additional therapeutic benefit in every circumstance. The relevant scientific question is therefore not simply whether participants experience a forest alone or with others, but how the characteristics of guidance, social participation, participant preferences, and environmental engagement interact.

9.9. Social Connection, Belonging, and the Limits of Group Participation

The social dimension of guided forest experiences deserves consideration beyond its immediate relationship to sensory engagement or psychological restoration. A substantial body of research identifies social relationships as relevant to human health and well-being. Holt-Lunstad et al. (2010), in a meta-analysis of 148 studies involving more than 300,000 participants, reported an association between stronger social relationships and increased likelihood of survival. These findings demonstrate the importance of social relationships within broader health research, but their relevance to Shinrin-Yoku must be interpreted carefully. Long-term social integration and sustained interpersonal support are not equivalent to temporary participation in a professionally facilitated forest group. Consequently, findings concerning enduring social relationships cannot be used as direct evidence that a single guided forest session produces comparable health benefits.

Nevertheless, guided group experiences may create opportunities for social contact, shared attention, mutual recognition, and the development of belonging. Such opportunities may be particularly meaningful when participants appreciate companionship or encounter others with similar interests. The professional organisation of a session may provide a temporary social framework in which interpersonal contact is possible without requiring participants to initiate it independently. However, the presence of a group does not guarantee the development of connection. Individuals may remain socially isolated within collective activities, encounter interpersonal tensions, or experience pressure to participate in ways that do not correspond to their preferences.

The ethnographic findings of Pollard et al. (2025) are relevant in this regard because they illustrate how the supportive character of organised green activities depends on social relationships, coordination, and the suitability of particular group arrangements. Participants’ needs and expectations may differ, while the character of a group can evolve through the behaviour of its members and the circumstances in which activities occur. Thus, social connection should be understood as a possible quality of participation rather than an automatic outcome of collective attendance.

This distinction is important because social engagement and restorative environmental attention may not always operate in the same direction. Conversation may contribute to companionship and enjoyment while also influencing how individuals attend to their surroundings. For some participants, the presence of others may increase comfort and confidence, whereas for others it may reduce opportunities for solitude or introspection. These possibilities should be investigated rather than assumed to represent a universal trade-off. Within a relational framework, professional facilitation should accommodate differing preferences for conversation, silence, companionship, and independent exploration.

9.10. Psychological Safety, Emotional Disclosure, and Confidentiality

Group participation introduces ethical considerations that are distinct from those encountered during solitary forest experiences. These include interpersonal expectations, perceived social pressure, the possibility of judgement, the handling of personal information, and the limits of confidentiality. Such considerations become particularly relevant when Shinrin-Yoku sessions include reflective invitations or opportunities for participants to communicate personal experiences.

Edmondson’s (1999) concept of psychological safety offers a useful perspective for examining the interpersonal conditions under which individuals may feel able to express uncertainty, communicate concerns, or take interpersonal risks without anticipating humiliation or punishment. Although originally developed in the context of organisational teams, the concept may inform discussion of group facilitation by highlighting the importance of respectful communication and responses to individual differences. Its application to forest-based experiences remains interpretative rather than an established empirical finding concerning Shinrin-Yoku.

Professional guides can contribute to an appropriately respectful group environment by communicating expectations concerning listening, voluntary participation, personal boundaries, and the treatment of others. Such practices may reduce avoidable interpersonal pressure, but psychological safety should not be equated with a guarantee that every participant will feel comfortable throughout the session. Nor does it imply the absence of all discomfort. Individual psychological histories, relationships among participants, and unforeseen circumstances may influence the experience in ways that cannot be completely controlled.

Related considerations can be drawn from trauma-informed approaches. The Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (2014) identified principles including safety, trustworthiness, collaboration, empowerment, peer support, and cultural awareness. Although developed for broader service and organisational contexts, these principles provide relevant ethical considerations for nonclinical activities that involve personal reflection or interpersonal engagement. Their use in this context must not be interpreted as evidence that ordinary Shinrin-Yoku guides are qualified to diagnose, treat, or resolve trauma-related conditions. Instead, they reinforce the importance of recognising professional limits, avoiding coercive disclosure, and responding appropriately when participants experience distress.

Emotional disclosure should therefore remain voluntary. A participant may find it meaningful to describe a memory or emotional response, while another may prefer to communicate only a sensory observation or remain silent. Neither response should be regarded as more successful or therapeutically significant solely on the basis of its emotional intensity. Similarly, guides should avoid assigning clinical or symbolic meaning to participants’ disclosures without an appropriate professional basis. The facilitative role is to provide conditions for respectful expression and attentive listening, not to extract emotional narratives or interpret personal material beyond the guide’s competence.

Confidentiality represents a further practical limitation. While professionals may establish and communicate expectations concerning the privacy of participant information, they cannot guarantee that all group members will maintain confidentiality following an encounter. This distinction should be explained where group reflection involves potentially sensitive material. Participants should understand that they retain control over what they choose to disclose, but that information communicated in a group cannot be protected in precisely the same way as information held within an appropriately governed confidential professional relationship. Respect for privacy therefore requires not only professional data-handling practices, but also careful consideration of how reflective activities are introduced and facilitated.

9.11. Diversity, Accessibility, and Ecological Responsibility

The relational framework also requires attention to the diversity of participants and the practical conditions under which engagement becomes possible. Individuals may differ in physical mobility, sensory processing, cultural background, previous experience of forests, communication preferences, psychological expectations, and comfort with group activities. These differences can influence whether particular invitations are accessible and how environmental conditions are perceived. A period of stillness may be comfortable for one participant and physically difficult for another, while an invitation involving touch or closed eyes may be experienced as engaging, unpleasant, or unsafe depending on individual circumstances.

Accessibility should therefore be understood as an aspect of professional preparation and adaptation rather than simply the provision of choice. A participant cannot meaningfully select an alternative that has not been considered or communicated, and the invitation to explore independently is insufficient when environmental conditions prevent safe access. Guides should evaluate foreseeable barriers, consider realistic modifications, and recognise that some circumstances may require a different location or activity. At the same time, not every need or limitation will be disclosed in advance. Co-responsibility therefore requires professionals to remain attentive to possible barriers without placing the burden of accessibility entirely on participants.

The TMT® Scaffolded Model of Engagement offers a complementary perspective by considering how the degree of structure and freedom may be adapted according to participants’ circumstances (Guziak, 2023). While some individuals may benefit from clearly defined invitations and gradual familiarisation, others may prefer greater autonomy from the beginning. The objective is not to move every participant through an identical progression towards independence, but to provide forms of engagement that remain responsive to individual capacities, preferences, and the changing conditions of the encounter.

Ecological responsibility adds another dimension to relational practice. Shinrin-Yoku takes place within living environments that are not organised exclusively for human use. Trees, animals, fungi, microorganisms, vegetation, and ecological processes participate in relationships that extend beyond the immediate interests of visitors. A forest may provide opportunities for restoration or personal meaning, but these possibilities do not justify activities that unnecessarily damage habitats, disturb wildlife, or compromise environmental integrity. The Shinrin-Yoku Association’s ethical guidelines emphasise environmental respect alongside participant welfare and professional responsibility (Shinrin Yoku Association, n.d.).

From this perspective, co-being can also describe an ethical orientation towards human presence within a wider ecological system. To be with nature is not necessarily to attribute consciousness, intentions, or therapeutic responsibilities to the environment; rather, it is to recognise that human engagement occurs within ecological relationships that warrant consideration in their own right. Route selection, group size, the handling of natural materials, and the design of activities may consequently involve decisions about environmental impact as well as participant experience.

Research on nature connectedness provides a relevant but distinct perspective. Lumber et al. (2017) identified contact, emotion, compassion, meaning, and beauty as pathways associated with nature connection. These findings offer a conceptual basis for investigating how particular forms of engagement may influence individuals’ relationships with the natural world. However, increased nature connectedness should not be assumed to occur during every session, nor should it automatically be equated with subsequent ecological behaviour. The relationship between guided engagement, reported connectedness, and environmental responsibility requires separate empirical assessment.

9.12. Integration With the TMT® Scaffolded Model of Engagement

The relational principles can be integrated with the TMT® Scaffolded Model of Engagement as complementary dimensions of participant-centred facilitation. The model proposes the intentional use of structure and support to create opportunities for engagement while allowing the degree of experiential freedom to develop in response to participants’ circumstances (Guziak, 2023). Rather than approaching structure and autonomy as opposing conditions, scaffolding recognises that appropriate guidance may provide the orientation, confidence, and practical support necessary for meaningful choice.

At the beginning of a guided encounter, the professional may establish an initial framework through orientation, communication of relevant safety considerations, explanation of participation options, and introductions to the environment. Relatively structured invitations may provide accessible points of entry, particularly for individuals unfamiliar with Shinrin-Yoku or the location. As the encounter progresses, invitations may allow greater freedom of attention and exploration where appropriate. However, this development should remain responsive rather than mechanically prescribed. Some participants may prefer continued structure, while others may engage independently with little direction.

Co-creation operates through the interaction between this prepared framework and the circumstances that arise during the session. Co-responsibility informs how choices, communication, and professional safeguards are maintained. Co-being concerns the quality of participation by recognising that individuals are not required to demonstrate particular emotional outcomes. Co-experiencing becomes relevant when the framework accommodates collective participation without imposing identical experiences or interpretations. The four concepts therefore inform different aspects of the same facilitative process rather than representing successive phases that every participant must complete.

Table 9.3. Illustrative application of the relational principles within scaffolded facilitation

Facilitation context

Relational consideration

Possible professional response

Initial orientation

Co-responsibility and co-being

Explain safety requirements, voluntary participation, available alternatives, and respect for personal boundaries.

Introduction of structured invitations

Co-creation

Offer accessible starting points while allowing individuals to direct attention towards personally relevant features.

Emerging participant needs

Co-creation and co-responsibility

Adapt pace, activities, routes, or opportunities for rest while maintaining professional safeguards.

Open exploration

Co-being and co-creation

Allow independent engagement without unnecessary instruction or expectations of particular emotional responses.

Group reflection

Co-experiencing and co-being

Support voluntary sharing, respectful listening, silence, and differing interpretations.

Session completion

All four principles

Provide an appropriate closing process without requiring disclosure, evidence of improvement, or a common interpretation of the encounter.

Note. The table illustrates possible applications of the principles and is not intended as a fixed or independently validated session protocol.

This integration has implications for professional education and assessment. Competence cannot be evaluated exclusively through the ability to reproduce prepared invitations or maintain adherence to a predetermined sequence. These abilities remain important, but they should be considered alongside the guide’s capacity to recognise emerging circumstances, communicate respectfully, adapt activities appropriately, maintain professional boundaries, and exercise restraint when additional guidance is unnecessary. The decision not to intervene may constitute deliberate professional judgement when participants are engaging independently and no safety or ethical concern requires action.

The relationship between facilitation and restraint is particularly significant. Professional guidance does not necessarily become more effective through increased instruction, additional activities, or repeated interpretation of participants’ experiences. In some circumstances, greater direction may support orientation or confidence; in others, it may interrupt attention or reduce experiential autonomy. Determining the appropriate degree of intervention is therefore a contextual professional decision rather than a universal procedural rule.

9.13. Relational Participation and the Problem of Therapeutic Attribution

The proposed framework raises important methodological questions concerning the attribution of therapeutic outcomes. When participants report improvements in mood, reduced stress, increased connectedness, or greater well-being following a guided forest session, several interacting influences may have contributed. Environmental conditions, physical movement, attentional engagement, personal expectations, prior experiences, the guide’s interventions, and interpersonal interactions may all influence the outcome. These contributions may operate independently, interact, or vary in importance across participants and circumstances. Consequently, attributing the full effect of a session exclusively to the forest, the guide, the group, or a particular invitation may be scientifically unjustified without an appropriate research design.

The findings of Kim and Shin (2021) and Yu et al. (2021) demonstrate the relevance of comparing different organisational arrangements, but they do not isolate all components potentially responsible for the reported experiences or outcomes. Guided and self-guided activities may differ simultaneously in structure, interpersonal contact, attentional direction, expectations, and opportunities for independent exploration. A comparison between these conditions may therefore identify differences associated with programme type without establishing which component caused those differences. Future research would benefit from more explicit descriptions of intervention components and, where feasible, designs that distinguish guidance from group presence, activity structure, and environmental exposure.

A further distinction is required between the ethical quality of facilitation and therapeutic effectiveness. A session may be professionally responsible, inclusive, and responsive without producing measurable short-term improvements in psychological or physiological outcomes. Conversely, a participant may report a positive experience following an activity that did not adequately respect autonomy or professional boundaries. These possibilities demonstrate that ethical practice and therapeutic benefit are not interchangeable concepts. Both deserve investigation, but they require different criteria and methods of assessment.

The relational principles proposed here should therefore be considered potential dimensions of facilitation quality rather than demonstrated mediators of therapeutic change. Claims concerning their influence on well-being would require empirical operationalisation, appropriate measurement, and research capable of distinguishing associations from causal mechanisms. In addition, the subjective significance of an experience should not be reduced to measurable health outcomes alone. An encounter may hold personal, educational, social, or ecological meaning without meeting criteria for a therapeutic intervention or demonstrating clinically relevant improvement.

9.14. Implications for Future Research and Professional Education

Future research could investigate whether the proposed relational principles provide a useful framework for describing, evaluating, and improving professional Shinrin-Yoku practice. An initial priority would be conceptual clarification and operationalisation. Constructs such as co-creation and co-being must be distinguished from related concepts, including participant autonomy, facilitation responsiveness, psychological safety, and social connectedness. Without such clarification, empirical investigations may produce overlapping measures that cannot establish whether the proposed framework contributes explanatory value beyond existing theories.

Research on co-creation could examine how professional adaptations influence participant engagement and whether variations in invitation structure are associated with different experiential responses. Co-responsibility could be investigated through participants’ perceptions of meaningful choice, the clarity of safety communication, and observed professional responses to expressed needs. Co-being could be examined through experiences of social pressure, emotional expectations, and the freedom to remain silent or decline participation. Co-experiencing could be explored through qualitative accounts of shared presence, interpersonal influence, differences in attention, and the relationship between collective participation and personal meaning.

Table 9.4. Proposed research directions for the relational framework

Research dimension

Illustrative research question

Possible methodological approach

Co-creation

How does responsiveness to emerging environmental and participant circumstances influence the experience?

Session observation, guide reflections, participant interviews, and comparative qualitative analysis.

Co-responsibility

Do participants experience invitations as genuinely optional, and how are professional responsibilities communicated?

Participant interviews, structured observation, document review, and assessments of perceived autonomy.

Co-being

How do participants experience expectations concerning relaxation, emotional expression, silence, or personal disclosure?

Phenomenological interviews, reflective journals, and qualitative thematic analysis.

Co-experiencing

How does the presence of others influence attention, interpersonal connection, and individual meaning?

Comparisons of individual and group experiences, observational studies, and mixed-methods research.

Therapeutic attribution

Which components of guided forest sessions are associated with specific psychological or physiological outcomes?

Controlled comparisons, component-focused intervention designs, and appropriate longitudinal research.

Ecological responsibility

How do professional session arrangements influence ecological disturbance and responsible environmental behaviour?

Environmental observation, practice audits, and longitudinal behavioural assessment.

Note. The proposed approaches are exploratory research directions rather than validated measurement procedures. Their suitability depends on the specific research question, ethical requirements, sampling strategy, and methodological feasibility.

Qualitative approaches may be particularly valuable during the initial development of the framework because they allow participants to describe experiences without imposing predetermined categories of success. Phenomenological inquiry and thematic analysis could help examine how individuals understand freedom, responsibility, presence, and togetherness within guided forest experiences. Such investigations should actively include accounts of discomfort, indifference, disappointment, or perceived pressure rather than collecting only positive testimonials. Otherwise, the research process may reproduce the expectation that nature-based experiences necessarily produce beneficial outcomes.

Quantitative and mixed-methods designs may subsequently investigate relationships between facilitation characteristics and measurable outcomes. Comparisons should consider participant preferences for solitude or companionship, group size, opportunities for conversation, characteristics of the guide, environmental conditions, and differences in intervention structure. When investigating mechanisms, researchers should distinguish hypothesised mediators from general programme characteristics and avoid assuming that observed associations establish causality.

Professional education provides another potential application. Guide assessment could incorporate observed competence in communication, risk management, adaptive decision-making, inclusivity, respect for personal boundaries, and ecological awareness. However, a guide’s stated commitment to relational principles should not be treated as sufficient evidence of ethical conduct. Assessment may benefit from combining observation, participant feedback, reflective documentation, and independent review where appropriate. This would allow relational competence to be investigated as an aspect of professional practice without assuming that adherence to the framework guarantees particular therapeutic outcomes.

9.15. Discussion and Conclusion: Shared Presence Without Experiential Uniformity

The concepts of co-creation, co-responsibility, co-being, and co-experiencing provide a relational perspective through which the professional organisation of Shinrin-Yoku may be reconsidered. They challenge a strictly linear model in which the guide delivers predetermined activities and participants are expected to experience corresponding psychological responses. Instead, they recognise that guided forest encounters develop through interactions among professional structure, participant agency, environmental conditions, and, where applicable, social relationships. These contributors influence the encounter in different ways, and their relative significance may vary substantially among participants and circumstances.

Importantly, a relational understanding does not require the abandonment of professional structure. Rather, it clarifies why preparation, ethical communication, appropriate safeguarding, and contextual judgement remain necessary when experiences cannot be completely anticipated or controlled. The guide’s responsibility is not diminished by recognising participant autonomy or environmental influence. Conversely, professional expertise should not be interpreted as authority over participants’ internal experiences, emotional responses, or personal meanings. A competent guide may organise the conditions of an encounter while recognising that its psychological content remains partly beyond professional determination.

The same distinction applies to collective participation. Group settings may provide opportunities for companionship, shared attention, conversation, and interpersonal connection, but they may also introduce expectations, distractions, social comparison, or discomfort. The existing literature suggests that different social arrangements may influence the character of forest experiences, yet does not establish a universally superior form of participation. A guided group session should therefore not be considered inherently more therapeutic than an individual encounter, nor should solitude be assumed to provide greater depth or authenticity. The appropriateness of each arrangement depends on participants, contexts, and intended purposes.

Within this understanding, co-experiencing may be defined as the coexistence of shared environmental and social circumstances with the individuality of perception, response, and meaning. The concept does not require participants to experience the same emotions or arrive at common interpretations. Rather, it recognises the possibility that togetherness and difference may coexist within a single encounter. Individuals may walk through the same forest, hear the same sounds, and participate in the same invitations while encountering different aspects of the environment and attributing different meanings to them. Shared presence does not eliminate personal experience, just as individual autonomy does not necessarily prevent interpersonal connection.

The proposed relational principles therefore contribute primarily to the conceptual and ethical evaluation of facilitation. They encourage professional practice that recognises the limits of intervention control, preserves meaningful choice, respects personal boundaries, and remains attentive to ecological conditions. These qualities may be important for the organisation of participant-centred experiences, but they should not be confused with independent evidence of therapeutic effectiveness. When guided Shinrin-Yoku is presented as a health-related intervention, claims concerning its effects require appropriate empirical investigation. Ethical quality, experiential meaning, and therapeutic outcomes should be examined as related but analytically distinct dimensions.

Several questions remain open. Under what circumstances does the presence of a group enhance an individual’s relationship with the forest, and when might it interfere with that relationship? How do professional guidance and shared participation interact with personal preferences for silence, solitude, or communication? Can the relational quality of facilitation be evaluated independently of reported well-being outcomes? To what extent do professional adaptations influence engagement, and how might the proposed principles be operationalised without reducing complex experiences to rigid procedural categories?

These questions are relevant to the broader discussion of when nature becomes therapy because they direct attention beyond the mere presence of a natural environment or professional guide. They invite consideration of how an encounter is organised, how participants experience their freedom to engage, how interpersonal expectations influence interpretation, and how different contributors interact within the same environmental context. The existence of a relational process does not establish a therapeutic effect, but it provides a more differentiated framework for examining the circumstances under which meaningful or restorative experiences may emerge.

Ultimately, we can share a forest without sharing the same experience, and we can co-create an encounter without claiming ownership of what another person discovers within it. The professional contribution may lie not in producing identical responses or directing participants towards predetermined meanings, but in creating appropriate conditions for attention, participation, safety, autonomy, and mutual respect. Whether these conditions contribute to therapeutic outcomes, and through which mechanisms, remains an empirical question.

Perhaps the central proposition of co-being is therefore that individuals do not need to experience the forest in the same way in order to be present together. The challenge for professional Shinrin-Yoku is to preserve this diversity while maintaining the ethical, practical, and scientific responsibilities associated with guided nature-based experiences.

References

Deci, E. L., & Ryan, R. M. (2000). The “what” and “why” of goal pursuits: Human needs and the self-determination of behavior. Psychological Inquiry, 11(4), 227–268. https://doi.org/10.1207/S15327965PLI1104_01

Edmondson, A. (1999). Psychological safety and learning behavior in work teams. Administrative Science Quarterly, 44(2), 350–383. https://doi.org/10.2307/2666999

Gibson, J. J. (1979). The ecological approach to visual perception. Houghton Mifflin.

Guziak, M. A. (2023). Scaffolded model of engagement for facilitating guided forest therapy sessions. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI120230518en5

Guziak, M. A. (2025). Establishing ethical standards and best practices for Shinrin Yoku guides: A comprehensive guide by the Shinrin Yoku Association. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://shinrin-yoku-association.com/2025/11/06/establishing-ethical-standards-and-best-practices-for-shinrin-yoku-guides-a-comprehensive-guide-by-the-shinrin-yoku-association/

Guziak, M. A. (2026a). Spending time in the forest: Modalities of engagement, connection, and care. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI3202602-EN-2

Guziak, M. A. (2026b). Why we need forest therapy guides. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI3202601en

Holt-Lunstad, J., Smith, T. B., & Layton, J. B. (2010). Social relationships and mortality risk: A meta-analytic review. PLOS Medicine, 7(7), Article e1000316. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pmed.1000316

Kim, J.-G., & Shin, W.-S. (2021). Forest therapy alone or with a guide: Is there a difference between self-guided forest therapy and guided forest therapy programs? International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 18(13), Article 6957. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18136957

Lumber, R., Richardson, M., & Sheffield, D. (2017). Beyond knowing nature: Contact, emotion, compassion, meaning, and beauty are pathways to nature connection. PLOS ONE, 12(5), Article e0177186. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0177186

Pollard, T. M., Gibson, K., Tupper, E., McGuire, L., Griffith, B., & Jeffries, J. (2025). Delivering green social prescribing: An ethnographic exploration of the place of walking and gardening groups in a social prescribing intervention. Social Science & Medicine, 380, Article 118184. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2025.118184

Shinrin Yoku Association. (n.d.). Code of conduct and guidelines. https://shinrin-yoku-association.com/code-of-conduct-and-guidelines/

Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration. (2014). SAMHSA’s concept of trauma and guidance for a trauma-informed approach (HHS Publication No. SMA 14-4884). https://library.samhsa.gov/sites/default/files/sma14-4884.pdf

Wenger, E. (1998). Communities of practice: Learning, meaning, and identity. Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511803932

Yu, C.-P., Chen, H.-T., Chao, P.-H., Yin, J., & Tsai, M.-J. (2021). The role of social context in physiological and psychological restoration in a forest: Case study of a guided forest therapy program in Taiwan. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 18(19), Article 10076. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph181910076

Research Article · Section 10

Is It the Forest, the Group, or the Meaning Created Together?

Exploring the social dimension of Shinrin-Yoku, the possibilities of shared experience, and the complexity of therapeutic outcomes.

The central question

What makes a shared forest experience meaningful?

When someone feels calmer, supported, or restored after a guided group session, the experience may reflect several interacting influences. We cannot automatically attribute the outcome to the forest, the group, or the guide alone.

01 / ENVIRONMENT

The Forest

Sensory experiences, living surroundings, spatial conditions, and opportunities for perceived restoration.

02 / SOCIAL CONTEXT

The Group

Companionship, shared attention, communication, collective silence, and interpersonal expectations.

03 / FACILITATION

The Guide

Preparation, safety, invitations, professional structure, and opportunities for autonomy and reflection.

04 / PERSONAL EXPERIENCE

The Individual

Memories, expectations, preferences, attention, personal interpretation, and freedom of participation.

One Shared Environment · Multiple Personal Experiences

The experience develops through relationships among these contributors. Their presence does not guarantee a beneficial outcome, and their relative contributions may differ across individuals.

A critical distinction

Being together does not necessarily mean feeling connected.

Social presence

People occupy the same place or participate in the same organised activity. Their physical proximity does not establish that they experience trust, belonging, or support.

Social connectedness

A subjective experience of acceptance, companionship, belonging, or meaningful interpersonal connection. This may develop through interaction, but cannot be required or guaranteed.

Likewise, solitude does not necessarily imply loneliness. A person may seek time alone for contemplation while maintaining supportive relationships elsewhere.

What the evidence indicates

Guidance, companionship, and restoration

Selected studies suggest that social arrangements can influence aspects of forest experience. They do not establish that guided group participation is universally superior.

STAATS & HARTIG · 2004

Alone or with a friend?

Companionship influenced anticipated restoration partly through perceived safety. Solitude offered different anticipated restorative opportunities.

The study examined imagined experiences, not actual physiological changes after guided forest sessions.
KIM & SHIN · 2021

Guided versus self-guided

Self-guided participants reported more introspective themes. Guided participants more frequently reported emotional changes and social interaction.

Differences in reported experience do not demonstrate clinical superiority or isolate the contribution of the group.
YU ET AL. · 2021

Three ways of engaging

Individual walking, individual self-guided activities, and guided group participation showed mood-related improvements, with limited differences between conditions.

Professional guidance and group participation were not independently separated.

Explore the mechanisms

What else might contribute?

Select a question below to explore the psychological, interpersonal, and contextual dimensions discussed in Section 10.

01. Can shared silence be meaningful?

Shared presence does not always require conversation. Participants may appreciate quiet companionship while independently attending to birdsong, light, movement, or personal reflection.

Within the concept of co-experiencing, individuals may share an environment without sharing identical perceptions or emotional responses.

02. Is conversation itself therapeutic?

Conversations may support emotional expression, reflection, acknowledgement, and perceived interpersonal support. These processes also occur in ordinary relationships outside professional therapy.

Feeling heard may be meaningful, but emotional disclosure is not required for a successful nature experience. Conversation should remain voluntary.

03. What can expressive writing and music teach us?

Expressive writing research indicates that emotional expression and changes in cognitive processing can occur without a forest or group. Research on collective singing also suggests that certain shared activities may facilitate social bonding.

These comparisons show that some processes associated with guided Shinrin-Yoku are not unique to forests. The unresolved question is whether the forest modifies how those processes unfold.

04. What do green social prescribing and Blue Zones suggest?

Green social prescribing research highlights the importance of practical organisation, interpersonal relationships, accessibility, and appropriate group facilitation.

Research on exceptional longevity raises broader questions about enduring social and environmental relationships. However, population longevity findings cannot establish long-term health benefits from a temporary forest therapy group.

05. What does the guide actually contribute?

Guides may provide professional preparation, environmental risk management, clear communication, appropriate invitations, and opportunities for autonomy.

They can facilitate conditions for interpersonal engagement without manufacturing connection or determining participants' personal interpretations. Nonclinical forest guiding should not be presented as psychotherapy.

Scientific interpretation

What can we reasonably conclude?

What the evidence does not establish

That more group interaction always produces stronger restoration, that emotional disclosure proves healing, or that every reported benefit arises specifically from the forest.

What remains worth investigating

Whether forests influence the quality of social interaction, whether guidance modifies particular outcomes, and how participant preferences shape the benefits or difficulties of collective experiences.

Future research

How could we investigate the contributions?

A useful starting point is to compare different social and organisational formats within similar forest conditions.

Independent forest experience

Individual engagement with minimal organised social interaction.

Self-directed group experience

Participants share the forest without a professionally structured programme.

Professionally guided group

Participants engage through planned activities and professional facilitation.

These comparisons would still involve differences in activity structure and expectations. More controlled studies could independently vary environmental setting, social participation, and professional guidance.

Relevant outcomes include mood, perceived restoration, belonging, social comfort, nature connectedness, participant autonomy, and longer-term engagement with natural environments.

Section 10 · Central insight

We may gather in the same forest, but we do not experience the same forest.

The environment, group, guide, and individual may each contribute to the encounter, yet none independently guarantees therapeutic benefit.

Meaning may develop through environmental attention, companionship, reflection, solitude, or relationships among them. Understanding their contributions requires both scientific precision and respect for individual experience.

Is it the forest that makes the gathering meaningful, the people who make the forest meaningful, or the relationship that develops between them?

Research note: This summary presents selected findings and conceptual interpretations from Section 10. Potential mechanisms are not necessarily independently validated causal pathways.

Selected research: Staats & Hartig (2004) · Kim & Shin (2021) · Yu et al. (2021) · Skivington et al. (2021).

10. The Social Dimension: Is It the Forest, the Group, or the Meaning Created Together?

The increasing recognition of Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy as potentially beneficial approaches to human well-being has been accompanied by growing interest in professionally guided group experiences. These programmes frequently combine exposure to natural environments with sensory engagement, contemplative activities, reflective invitations, interpersonal interaction, and opportunities for shared meaning-making. Although the forest is commonly presented as the principal therapeutic element, the presence of other participants introduces additional psychological, social, and contextual processes that may influence the character and outcomes of the experience.

This complexity raises an important question concerning causal attribution. When an individual reports feeling calmer, emotionally supported, socially connected, or personally restored following a guided group session, which elements of the encounter have contributed to that response? The environmental characteristics of the forest may influence physiological and psychological functioning, while the presence of other people may provide reassurance, companionship, or opportunities for emotional expression. Professional facilitation may shape participants’ attention, expectations, and behaviour, whereas personal reflection may contribute to the interpretation of an experience as meaningful. These processes may occur simultaneously, making it difficult to determine whether a particular outcome originates primarily from the environment, the social arrangement, the activities, or their interaction.

The distinction is significant because forest therapy is increasingly discussed within healthcare, wellness, education, and community development, where different outcomes require different forms of evidence. Improvements in mood following forest exposure do not necessarily demonstrate enhanced social connection, just as reports of group belonging cannot establish that the forest itself produced the observed response. Similarly, the emotional significance of a guided experience should not automatically be equated with clinically meaningful therapeutic change.

A relational perspective provides an alternative to attributing therapeutic value exclusively to one component. Within The Mindful Tourist’s educational framework, the concepts of co-creation, co-responsibility, co-being, and co-experiencing emphasise the interactions among the participant, guide, environment, and social context (Guziak, 2023, 2026). These concepts offer a theoretical and ethical orientation rather than independently validated mechanisms of therapeutic effectiveness. Their relevance lies in encouraging a more differentiated investigation of how environmental, interpersonal, and individual processes may contribute to forest-based experiences.

The purpose of this section is therefore to examine the potential social contribution to guided Shinrin-Yoku while maintaining a distinction between established research findings, plausible explanatory mechanisms, and questions requiring further empirical investigation. Particular attention is given to social relationships, group dynamics, solitude, emotional expression, collective meaning-making, professional boundaries, and the methodological challenges associated with evaluating multicomponent nature-based interventions.

10.1. Social Relationships as Determinants of Human Health

The relationship between social connections and human health has been extensively investigated across psychology, sociology, epidemiology, and public health. Research indicates that social relationships are associated with psychological well-being, stress-related processes, health behaviours, and longer-term health outcomes. However, the health significance of social relationships cannot be adequately explained by the frequency of interpersonal contact or the number of individuals within a person’s social network. Relationship quality, perceived availability of support, reciprocity, trust, and the individual’s subjective experience of belonging represent important additional dimensions.

Holt-Lunstad et al. (2010), in a meta-analysis involving 148 studies and 308,849 participants, reported that stronger social relationships were associated with approximately 50% greater odds of survival during the follow-up periods examined. The magnitude of this association varied according to the methods used to assess social relationships, with broader measures of social integration showing stronger associations than simple indicators such as living alone. These findings provide substantial evidence for the health relevance of social relationships, although they do not demonstrate that all forms of social interaction produce equivalent effects or establish causation for any particular activity.

The theoretical interpretation of these findings is supported by broader research on social support and psychological functioning. Cohen and Wills (1985) distinguished between the general benefits associated with social integration and the possibility that supportive relationships may buffer the psychological consequences of stress. Kawachi and Berkman (2001) similarly identified pathways connecting social networks and mental health, including emotional and instrumental support, social influence, access to resources, and stress-related processes. These perspectives suggest that the relationship between social participation and well-being depends partly on the functions performed by interpersonal relationships and the circumstances of the individuals involved.

However, evidence concerning enduring social relationships cannot be transferred directly to temporary groups assembled for forest bathing or forest therapy. Longitudinal studies frequently examine relationships maintained over years through families, friendships, social networks, and community participation. By comparison, a guided forest session may involve individuals who have never previously met and who may not maintain contact afterward. Although participants may experience temporary companionship, trust, or belonging, these experiences cannot automatically be considered equivalent to the sustained social integration examined in epidemiological research.

The broader literature nevertheless provides a rationale for investigating social context within nature-based interventions. A forest therapy programme may create opportunities for interpersonal contact, reduce perceived barriers to outdoor participation, or encourage the development of supportive relationships. Whether these opportunities generate measurable psychological benefits, and whether those benefits persist beyond the immediate encounter, depends on factors that require specific investigation.

10.2. Social Presence, Social Connection, and Solitude: Distinguishing Different Experiences

An important conceptual distinction exists between being physically present within a group and experiencing meaningful social connection. Group participation initially describes an organisational arrangement in which several individuals occupy the same environment or participate in a common activity. Social connectedness, by contrast, concerns subjective experiences such as belonging, acceptance, companionship, trust, familiarity, and perceived interpersonal support. These experiences may develop during a collective activity, but their emergence cannot be guaranteed by the simple presence of other people.

The distinction becomes particularly relevant in guided forest sessions, where participants may arrive with different intentions and expectations. Some individuals may seek companionship and the opportunity to meet others, while others may wish to spend time in nature without the demands of continuous social interaction. A participant attending with an existing friend may experience the group differently from someone joining alone. Similarly, an individual who is comfortable with unfamiliar social situations may interpret invitations to share observations positively, whereas another may experience the same invitation as an interpersonal obligation.

These differences challenge the assumption that greater social interaction necessarily indicates a more successful therapeutic experience. A participant who remains quiet throughout a session may nevertheless experience substantial psychological restoration, while an individual actively involved in conversations may not necessarily develop a sense of belonging. Furthermore, social isolation and solitude should not be treated as interchangeable concepts. Solitude may be voluntary, meaningful, and restorative, whereas loneliness concerns a perceived discrepancy between desired and actual social relationships.

Consequently, evaluations of guided forest therapy should distinguish social exposure from subjective connectedness and avoid interpreting visible participation as sufficient evidence of interpersonal benefit. The relevant question is not merely whether participants interacted but whether the nature, quality, and degree of interaction corresponded with their needs and preferences.

This distinction also has implications for programme design. Guided Shinrin-Yoku may accommodate both interpersonal engagement and individual contemplation, provided that participation is sufficiently flexible. A socially inclusive experience need not require continuous interaction; it may instead allow individuals to determine how they wish to relate to the environment and to others.

10.3. The Forest as a Context for Interpersonal Relationships

Natural environments may influence not only individual psychological responses but also the conditions in which social interaction occurs. Forests differ from many indoor social settings through their spatial organisation, sensory characteristics, ecological complexity, and changing environmental conditions. These qualities may influence the pace, focus, and perceived demands of interpersonal engagement.

Walking beside another person along a forest path, observing unfamiliar vegetation, or listening collectively to natural sounds may create opportunities for interaction that do not depend primarily on face-to-face conversation. Attention can be directed toward an external feature of the environment, allowing communication to develop around shared observations rather than immediate personal disclosure. Periods of silence may also acquire a different interpersonal significance when individuals remain engaged with their surroundings.

These possibilities suggest that forests may serve as relational contexts rather than merely passive locations in which social activities occur. The environment may provide common reference points for curiosity, observation, and conversation while allowing participants to alternate between shared and individual attention. However, the proposition that forest environments systematically improve the quality of interpersonal relationships remains a hypothesis rather than an established universal mechanism of forest therapy.

Staats and Hartig (2004) examined the influence of companionship on anticipated psychological restoration and environmental preferences. Their study involved 106 participants evaluating imagined experiences of walking alone or with a friend in natural and urban environments. The findings indicated that social context could influence expected restoration in different directions: companionship contributed to perceived safety, whereas solitude was associated with greater anticipated restoration when the influence of safety was controlled. Importantly, the study assessed expectations and environmental preferences rather than actual post-intervention physiological or clinical outcomes.

The findings nevertheless illustrate an important principle: the restorative significance of social context depends partly on its interaction with perceived environmental conditions. An individual unfamiliar with a forest may experience companionship as reassuring, whereas someone seeking freedom from social expectations may value the absence of others. The same environmental setting may therefore support different forms of restoration depending on the participant’s preferences, previous experiences, and perceived safety.

This relationship also raises the possibility of reciprocal influences. The presence of others may change how a forest is perceived, while the environmental setting may influence how those individuals interact. Understanding these processes requires research designs capable of examining environmental and interpersonal factors together without assuming that either necessarily produces a beneficial outcome.

10.4. Empirical Evidence on Guided, Self-Guided, and Individual Forest Experiences

Research directly examining the social organisation of forest therapy remains comparatively limited. Many studies investigate the psychological or physiological consequences of exposure to forest environments without systematically distinguishing the contributions of professional guidance, group participation, individual reflection, and interpersonal interaction. Nevertheless, several investigations provide preliminary evidence that the organisation of forest engagement may influence the character of participants’ experiences.

Kim and Shin (2021) compared self-guided and professionally guided forest therapy programmes among 37 undergraduate students in South Korea. Participants were assigned to self-guided or guided conditions, and researchers analysed 111 written reflections collected across the intervention period. Both conditions generated descriptions involving sensory engagement, changes in mind and body, introspection, emotional responses, cognitive changes, and social interaction. However, introspective themes were reported more frequently in the self-guided condition, whereas emotional change and social interaction appeared more frequently in reflections associated with the guided programme.

These findings suggest that different forms of forest engagement may make particular experiential dimensions more prominent. Self-directed activities may provide opportunities for personal reflection, whereas guided programmes may encourage emotional expression and interpersonal interaction through their social and organisational structures. Nevertheless, the study relied on qualitative material subsequently categorised and compared, rather than directly establishing clinically significant differences in therapeutic outcomes. Moreover, differences between conditions included multiple features of the programme, making it difficult to determine whether the reported patterns resulted from guidance, group interaction, activity selection, or their combination.

Yu et al. (2021) investigated physiological and psychological restoration in Taiwan using three conditions: an individual forest walk, an individual self-guided route supported by a map and activity instructions, and a professionally guided group programme. The findings indicated improvements in several mood-related measures across conditions, alongside differences in selected physiological responses. Most comparisons did not reveal statistically significant differences in restorative changes between conditions, although a difference in sympathetic nervous system activity was identified between the guided group and individual walking conditions.

The interpretation of this study requires particular care. Because the guided condition differed from the individual conditions in both social arrangement and programme organisation, the observed differences cannot be attributed exclusively to the presence of other participants. Moreover, the absence of statistically significant differences in many outcomes does not establish equivalence among the three formats. It indicates that the study did not demonstrate consistent superiority of the guided programme across the measures examined.

Table 10.1. Selected research relevant to the social organisation of forest experiences

Study

Research design and focus

Principal findings

Implications and limitations

Staats & Hartig (2004)

Experimental evaluation of imagined solitary and accompanied walks in natural and urban settings

Companionship influenced anticipated restoration partly through perceived safety; solitude offered different potential advantages

Investigated anticipated rather than actual restorative experiences

Kim & Shin (2021)

Comparison of self-guided and guided forest therapy among 37 university students

Self-guided participants reported more introspective themes; guided participants reported more emotional-change and social-interaction themes

Programme components differed; findings do not establish clinical superiority

Yu et al. (2021)

Field experiment comparing individual walking, individual self-guided activities, and a guided group programme

Mood-related improvements occurred across conditions; most between-condition restorative differences were not statistically significant

Group participation and professional guidance were not independently isolated

Note. The studies employed different designs, interventions, and outcome measures. Their results should not be combined as though they constitute direct estimates of the same therapeutic effect.

Taken together, these investigations challenge the assumption that professionally guided group participation is universally more restorative than independent forest engagement. The available evidence is more consistent with the proposition that different organisational arrangements may influence particular dimensions of experience, including introspection, social interaction, emotional expression, and perceived restoration.

However, these studies do not establish which arrangement is optimal for specific populations or whether the social characteristics of guided programmes produce enduring therapeutic effects. More precise investigations are required to distinguish the contribution of interpersonal processes from the effects of environmental exposure and professional facilitation.

10.5. Group Dynamics and the Emergence of Collective Experience

A guided group session cannot be understood solely as several independent individuals simultaneously encountering the same environment. Once participants gather, their attention, behaviour, movement, and emotional responses may influence one another. The pace of one individual may affect the movement of the group, a question may redirect collective attention, and an observation shared by one participant may lead others to notice an environmental feature that they would otherwise have overlooked.

Such processes illustrate how collective experience can emerge through reciprocal interpersonal influence. The significance of these interactions need not depend on extensive conversation. Shared silence, coordinated movement, collective observation, and ordinary gestures of consideration may contribute to the social atmosphere of a session. Nevertheless, the resulting atmosphere may be perceived differently by each participant, and the presence of collective activity does not guarantee that individuals experience connection or psychological benefit.

Group dynamics may also introduce potentially unhelpful processes. Participants may compare their emotional responses with those of others, become concerned about social evaluation, or feel pressure to demonstrate that they are experiencing the expected restorative effects. For example, repeated expressions of calm, gratitude, or personal insight during a sharing activity may unintentionally establish an implicit standard against which other participants evaluate their own experiences. An individual who feels distracted, emotionally unsettled, or indifferent may consequently become self-conscious, even when those reactions are ordinary variations in human experience.

The social character of a session may also be influenced by group composition, cultural backgrounds, communication preferences, prior relationships, and familiarity with natural environments. An invitation that supports interpersonal connection in one group may feel intrusive or unnecessary in another. These considerations make it important to distinguish the availability of social interaction from its compulsory performance.

Professional facilitation may help establish appropriate conditions through clear communication, voluntary participation, and respect for personal differences. However, the guide cannot fully determine the interpersonal atmosphere or the meaning that participants attribute to the experience. Group dynamics develop partly through spontaneous interactions and cannot be reduced to the intentions of the professional responsible for organising the session.

10.6. Co-Experiencing: Shared Presence Without Identical Personal Experience

The concept of co-experiencing provides a relational perspective through which collective participation can be examined without assuming that individuals experience an environment in the same way. Within this conceptual framework, co-experiencing refers to the simultaneous encounter of a shared environment by individuals whose perceptions, memories, emotional responses, and interpretations may differ substantially.

A group may occupy the same forest, participate in a common sequence of invitations, and encounter similar environmental conditions. Nevertheless, each person brings a distinct experiential history and attentional orientation. During a period of quiet observation beneath a tree, one participant may become absorbed in birdsong, another may attend to the movement of light through the leaves, and another may experience memories associated with an earlier life event. The professional guide may simultaneously be monitoring environmental conditions, time, group comfort, and safety.

The experience is therefore collective in its external organisation but individual in its perceptual and interpretative dimensions. Yet these dimensions are not entirely independent. The awareness of others may influence the meaning of the encounter, even when no conversation occurs. For some participants, the quiet presence of other people may provide reassurance or companionship; for others, awareness of the group may introduce distraction or reduce perceived freedom.

Co-experiencing thus draws attention to the coexistence of togetherness and individuality. It does not require participants to share identical emotions, reach common interpretations, or communicate personal experiences. Rather, it recognises that a collective setting may provide opportunities for different forms of participation, including shared observation, silent companionship, individual contemplation, and voluntary conversation.

The concept also challenges the tendency to evaluate successful group facilitation primarily through visible interpersonal interaction. An individual who does not speak may still be participating meaningfully, while someone who communicates extensively may not necessarily experience stronger environmental connectedness. Within this perspective, interpersonal engagement is one possible dimension of forest experience rather than its required outcome.

Importantly, co-experiencing should be regarded as a conceptual interpretation requiring further investigation, not as an independently established therapeutic mechanism. Its potential contribution lies in helping practitioners and researchers formulate questions about how collective presence and individual autonomy interact during nature-based activities.

10.7. Conversation, Emotional Expression, and the Experience of Being Heard

Guided Shinrin-Yoku frequently includes opportunities for participants to articulate observations, describe sensory experiences, or reflect upon the personal significance of an encounter. Such activities raise questions concerning the potential therapeutic contribution of conversation, interpersonal acknowledgement, and emotional expression.

A conversation may be experienced as meaningful because it allows a person to organise thoughts, articulate emotions, reconsider a difficult situation, or experience being listened to without judgement. These processes are not exclusive to professional psychotherapy. They may also occur in friendships, family relationships, community activities, and other ordinary interpersonal contexts. Consequently, a participant’s experience of emotional relief during a forest session does not, by itself, demonstrate that a clinical therapeutic process has occurred.

Research concerning social support provides a useful interpretative framework. Cohen and Wills (1985) suggested that supportive relationships may influence responses to stress through different pathways depending on the availability and relevance of support. Within a forest group, comparable interpersonal functions might include reassurance, acknowledgement, respectful listening, companionship, or the sharing of observations. However, whether these interactions produce measurable psychological benefits requires direct investigation rather than inference from broader social-support literature.

A further distinction concerns the difference between emotional expression and the experience of being heard. Verbal disclosure may facilitate personal reflection, but it can also introduce vulnerability and social evaluation. A participant may communicate something personally significant and feel understood, while another may experience discomfort or regret after sharing. Similarly, the opportunity for private reflection may be more appropriate for individuals who do not wish to disclose personal information within an unfamiliar group.

The facilitation of reflective conversations therefore requires attention to consent, confidentiality, interpersonal boundaries, and the participant’s freedom to decline. Opportunities to speak should not be presented as necessary conditions for therapeutic benefit, and emotional intensity should not be interpreted automatically as evidence of psychological healing.

Within the Shinrin-Yoku Association’s educational framework, the principle of co-being is relevant to these considerations. Participants may be offered opportunities for expression without being required to demonstrate emotional progress, disclose private experiences, or adopt the guide’s interpretation of what constitutes a meaningful encounter. This approach distinguishes supportive facilitation from attempts to direct or evaluate another person’s internal experience.

10.8. Meaning-Making Beyond Forest Therapy: Lessons from Expressive Writing and Collective Activities

The relationship between expression, meaning-making, and psychological well-being has been investigated across several fields outside nature-based intervention research. Examining these activities provides a means of distinguishing processes that may be common to human experience from those potentially influenced by environmental context.

Expressive writing represents one relevant comparison. Pennebaker (1997) discussed how writing about emotionally significant experiences may be associated with psychological and physiological outcomes, suggesting that emotional disclosure and changes in cognitive processing could contribute to observed responses. Frattaroli (2006), in a meta-analysis of 146 studies examining experimental disclosure, reported a small but statistically significant average effect, while also identifying variability associated with intervention characteristics and participant circumstances.

These findings indicate that processes involving emotional expression, narrative organisation, and the reconsideration of personal experience may occur without a forest environment, group, or professional guide. An individual writing privately may discover personal associations, organise previously fragmented thoughts, or develop new interpretations of an experience. Nevertheless, such processes are not universal, and expressive writing should not be regarded as interchangeable with psychotherapy or with group-based reflective practices.

An important difference concerns interpersonal exposure. Private writing can provide opportunities for expression without requiring disclosure to others, whereas group discussion introduces listening, acknowledgement, social expectations, and potential interpersonal consequences. The two forms of expression may therefore involve overlapping psychological processes while differing in their social organisation.

In my own meditation and reflective writing practice, I have observed that the intention to write does not necessarily begin with a desire to process emotions or produce therapeutic change. At times, the initial intention is simply to express an observation, while memories, questions, and emotions emerge during the writing process itself. Although this personal observation does not constitute empirical evidence, it raises a relevant conceptual question: must meaning-making be intentionally therapeutic for an individual to experience it as beneficial?

A similar process may occur during Shinrin-Yoku. A participant invited to observe an environmental detail may unexpectedly associate it with a memory or personal concern. Another may become aware of the significance of an experience only after the session, perhaps during journaling, conversation, or subsequent reflection. These possibilities suggest that the meaning of a forest encounter may continue to develop beyond its immediate duration.

Research concerning collective music-making provides an additional comparison. Pearce et al. (2015) examined social bonding in newly established singing classes and other adult education groups, including creative writing and craft activities. Participants in singing groups demonstrated more rapid initial increases in perceived social closeness, although participants in other activities also developed comparable levels of connection over time.

These findings suggest that particular collective activities may influence the pace or character of social bonding, while shared participation itself may support interpersonal relationships through several pathways. However, the research does not demonstrate that similar mechanisms necessarily operate during guided Shinrin-Yoku or that social bonding is a universal consequence of collective activity.

The comparison is relevant because it challenges explanations that attribute social benefits exclusively to the forest. Shared attention, coordinated activity, emotional expression, and interpersonal acknowledgement may be present in diverse settings. The scientific question is therefore whether the characteristics of a forest environment modify these processes, rather than whether they can occur only within nature-based programmes.

10.9. Expectations, Context, and the Interpretation of Therapeutic Experience

The significance attributed to an activity may influence how participants experience and interpret it. Moerman and Jonas (2002) proposed the concept of the meaning response within healthcare research to draw attention to responses associated with the symbolic and contextual significance of therapeutic encounters. Their work suggests that an intervention’s meaning may form part of the broader conditions influencing human responses, although its direct application to guided forest experiences remains theoretical.

Participants attending a programme described as forest therapy may arrive with expectations of relaxation, stress reduction, emotional support, or personal transformation. These expectations can be influenced by promotional language, the guide’s professional identity, the location selected, the sequence of activities, and the attitudes of other participants. A reflective invitation may consequently acquire a particular significance because it is offered within a programme explicitly framed as therapeutic.

However, the same activity may also be meaningful in other contexts. Reflecting on gratitude, listening attentively, or describing a personal observation may occur during meditation, journaling, conversations with friends, or ordinary recreational activities. The psychological processes involved may overlap, even when the surrounding environment and social arrangements differ.

This does not imply that the forest is interchangeable with other settings. Its sensory properties, ecological features, opportunities for movement, and associations with personal or cultural meaning may influence how activities are experienced. The group may introduce companionship or interpersonal expectations, while professional guidance may shape attention and participation. These components may interact with participants’ pre-existing beliefs and expectations.

The resulting interpretation of a session may therefore emerge through a combination of environmental, interpersonal, and contextual processes. Yet the experience of meaning should remain analytically distinguishable from demonstrated therapeutic effectiveness. A participant may describe an encounter as personally transformative without corresponding changes in standardised psychological or clinical measures. Equally, measurable improvements may occur without the participant attributing substantial personal significance to the session.

Research should therefore investigate expectations and personal interpretations as relevant dimensions of experience without treating them as substitutes for appropriately defined health outcomes.

10.10. Green Social Prescribing, Community Participation, and Lessons from Blue Zones

Green social prescribing provides a practical context for examining the relationship between nature-based activity, social participation, and health-related support. Such programmes connect individuals with outdoor activities through healthcare or community referral pathways, potentially including walking groups, gardening, conservation activities, or other forms of engagement with natural environments. Their intended contributions may involve physical activity, social contact, psychological well-being, and increased participation in community life.

Pollard et al. (2025) conducted an ethnographic investigation of walking and gardening groups within a broader social-prescribing initiative. Their findings indicated that integrating participants into suitable green activity groups required substantial coordination by professionals and group leaders, alongside contributions from existing members. The activities varied in organisation, accessibility, interpersonal character, and suitability for different individuals, while their continuity was influenced by practical and seasonal conditions.

The study demonstrates that establishing a nature-based programme does not automatically create a supportive social environment. The quality of participation depends on relationships among participants, organisers, referral pathways, available resources, and environmental circumstances. Such findings are relevant to Shinrin-Yoku because they highlight the importance of the organisational and interpersonal work involved in facilitating participation rather than assuming that exposure to nature and group membership are inherently sufficient.

A broader perspective on social environments and health can also be found in discussions of populations associated with exceptional longevity, commonly described as Blue Zones. These populations have attracted attention because of the potential relationships among everyday physical activity, diet, family relationships, community participation, cultural practices, and environmental conditions (Buettner & Skemp, 2016).

However, comparisons with Blue Zone populations require considerable methodological caution. A scoping review by Candal-Pedreira et al. (2026) identified substantial differences in the demographic evidence available for regions described as Blue Zones. The review characterised Okinawa, Ogliastra in Sardinia, and Nicoya as relatively well-supported cases, while other proposed regions remained under investigation or lacked sufficient scientific evidence. It also highlighted limitations in identifying the particular factors contributing to exceptional longevity.

Consequently, findings concerning long-lived populations cannot be interpreted as evidence that participation in temporary forest therapy groups produces comparable health outcomes. The social conditions associated with population longevity involve complex and enduring patterns of family life, culture, behaviour, socioeconomic circumstances, and environmental exposure that cannot be reduced to one recreational or therapeutic activity.

Nevertheless, the broader literature raises questions concerning the long-term objectives of nature-based programmes. Rather than evaluating guided Shinrin-Yoku exclusively through immediate mood changes, research might also examine whether repeated participation contributes to confidence in outdoor activity, continuing engagement with natural environments, community participation, or the development of sustained relationships.

Such possibilities require longitudinal investigation. They should not be inferred from short-term satisfaction or from demographic observations involving populations with distinctive social and historical circumstances.

10.11. The Potential Therapeutic Significance of Solitude

The recognition of social relationships as contributors to human health should not lead to the assumption that companionship is preferable in every circumstance. Solitary forest engagement may provide opportunities for uninterrupted attention, contemplation, personal autonomy, and freedom from interpersonal expectations. For some individuals, these characteristics may be particularly relevant to psychological restoration.

The findings of Kim and Shin (2021), in which self-guided participants reported more introspective themes, suggest that different organisational arrangements may influence the aspects of forest experiences that receive attention. Similarly, Staats and Hartig (2004) demonstrated that the relationship between companionship and anticipated restoration is influenced by perceptions of safety and the individual’s need for restoration.

These findings support a more differentiated interpretation of solitude. An individual seeking relief from social demands may value being alone, whereas someone unfamiliar with a forest may feel more comfortable in the presence of a companion or guide. Preferences may also change according to emotional state, personal circumstances, familiarity with the environment, and previous experiences.

Solitude within a guided group should nevertheless be distinguished from independent forest engagement. A participant who remains silent during an organised session continues to occupy a social setting characterised by the presence of others, a planned structure, and awareness of collective expectations. These conditions may influence the experience even when direct interaction is limited.

For professional practice, this suggests that guided sessions may benefit from accommodating different degrees of interpersonal engagement. Periods of shared activity can coexist with opportunities for individual exploration, quiet attention, and voluntary reflection. However, the appropriate balance should be informed by the purpose of the programme, environmental safety, and participant preferences rather than by a universal assumption that either solitude or companionship is therapeutically superior.

The broader implication is that social connection and solitude should not be positioned as mutually exclusive indicators of psychological well-being. Individuals may maintain meaningful social relationships while seeking restorative time alone, or appreciate companionship without wishing to engage in intimate conversation. Forest-based programmes should recognise these distinctions rather than treating increased sociability as an obligatory therapeutic outcome.

10.12. Professional Facilitation, Group Sharing, and Ethical Boundaries

The professional guide may influence the social character of a forest experience through decisions concerning group size, location, activity selection, pacing, communication, and opportunities for reflection. Such decisions may affect perceived safety, participant autonomy, the accessibility of activities, and the conditions in which interpersonal interactions develop.

Within The Mindful Tourist’s Scaffolded Model of Engagement, external structure is intended to support participation while allowing increasing opportunities for autonomy and individual exploration (Guziak, 2023). Applied to group-guided Shinrin-Yoku, this approach encourages the guide to provide an appropriate organisational framework without attempting to determine the emotional or interpersonal meaning of each participant’s experience.

Professional preparation may include establishing expectations concerning respectful behaviour, clarifying that invitations are voluntary, and recognising differences in communication preferences. A guide may facilitate shared observation or conversation while also preserving opportunities for silence and personal reflection. Importantly, the professional contribution does not necessarily increase with the amount of direct intervention. Some interpersonal processes may develop spontaneously through gestures of consideration, shared curiosity, or informal exchanges that do not require continual direction.

However, guided sessions may also involve situations in which participants disclose emotionally significant or distressing experiences. This creates an important distinction between facilitating reflective participation and practising psychotherapy. Although some interpersonal elements of forest guidance may resemble supportive counselling, such resemblance does not establish professional equivalence. Training in nature-based facilitation does not automatically provide the clinical competencies required to diagnose psychological conditions, interpret emotional responses, or deliver psychological treatment.

The guide’s responsibility therefore includes recognition of professional limitations, appropriate safeguarding, and sensitivity to emotional vulnerability. Participants should not be encouraged to disclose private information under the assumption that emotional expression is necessary for therapeutic progress. Equally, expressions of sadness, grief, gratitude, or relief should not automatically be interpreted as evidence that healing has occurred.

The terminology used to describe a programme also deserves attention. When sessions are advertised as promoting emotional healing, social connectedness, or personal transformation, participants may arrive expecting particular psychological outcomes. These expectations may influence their willingness to participate or their interpretation of the experience. Professional communication should therefore distinguish intended opportunities from guaranteed outcomes and avoid presenting ordinary group interaction as equivalent to clinical treatment.

Within the relational framework developed through The Mindful Tourist and the Shinrin-Yoku Association, professional facilitation may support co-creation, co-responsibility, co-being, and co-experiencing while recognising that participants retain autonomy over their personal meanings. The guide contributes to the conditions of the encounter but does not possess authority over the psychological significance that individuals attribute to it.

10.13. Understanding Guided Shinrin-Yoku Sessions as a Multicomponent Intervention

The difficulty of identifying the social contribution to forest therapy becomes particularly apparent when guided sessions are examined as multicomponent interventions. A typical programme may combine environmental exposure, physical movement, sensory attention, contemplative activities, professional facilitation, social interaction, and opportunities for reflection. These elements may influence different outcomes while also interacting with one another.

For example, environmental conditions may influence perceived restoration, while physical movement contributes to the overall experience through activity-related processes. Sensory invitations may direct attention toward particular features of the forest, and interpersonal interaction may introduce companionship, social expectations, or opportunities for shared meaning-making. The guide’s presence may influence perceived safety and participation, while individual memories and preferences shape how the encounter is interpreted.

These contributions should not automatically be considered additive. A programme combining several potentially beneficial activities does not necessarily produce stronger outcomes than a simpler intervention. Certain elements may reinforce one another, while others may compete for participants’ attention or introduce conflicting demands. Extended group conversation, for instance, may support interpersonal exchange while reducing opportunities for individual environmental attention. Conversely, a session emphasising extended silence may support introspection while providing fewer opportunities for social bonding.

The Medical Research Council framework for complex interventions, updated by Skivington et al. (2021), provides a useful methodological basis for examining these relationships. The framework emphasises context, programme theory, stakeholder perspectives, key uncertainties, and the interactions between interventions and the systems in which they operate. Rather than asking exclusively whether an intervention produces desirable outcomes, researchers are encouraged to investigate how, for whom, and under which circumstances effects may arise.

Table 10.2. Proposed components and potential contributions to guided Shinrin-Yoku experiences

Component

Potential contribution

Relevant outcomes or indicators

Important limitations

Forest environment

Sensory stimulation, environmental engagement, perceived restoration

Mood, perceived restoration, environmental perception

Environmental exposure does not explain all observed changes

Physical movement

Activity-related physical and psychological processes

Activity levels, physical responses, perceived exertion

Movement effects may be difficult to separate from environmental effects

Sensory and contemplative invitations

Direction of attention, observation, introspection

Attention, sensory awareness, reflective reports

Responses depend on participant characteristics and activity design

Group participation

Companionship, shared attention, interpersonal interaction

Perceived belonging, social comfort, interpersonal support

Group presence does not guarantee social connection

Professional facilitation

Organisation, environmental risk management, perceived reassurance, opportunities for autonomy

Acceptability, engagement, perceived safety, autonomy

Professional guidance does not guarantee therapeutic improvement

Reflection and expression

Articulation of experience, narrative organisation, personal interpretation

Meaning-making, reflective accounts, emotional responses

Personal meaning is not equivalent to clinical improvement

Individual characteristics

Preferences, memories, expectations, prior experiences

Variation in responses and participation

Effects cannot be understood independently of personal circumstances

Note. The potential contributions represent conceptually plausible pathways informed by the broader literature. The table does not establish that each pathway has been independently validated as a mechanism of guided Shinrin-Yoku.

This framework illustrates why the designation forest therapy is insufficient to establish that two programmes involve equivalent interventions. Activities, social arrangements, environments, participant populations, and professional competencies may differ substantially. Evidence supporting one programme therefore should not be generalised automatically to every guided forest experience.

A more precise account of forest therapy requires documentation of the components involved, their intended functions, and the conditions under which they are delivered. It also requires recognition that participants may respond differently to the same intervention because of individual preferences, expectations, and experiences.

10.14. Directions for Future Research: Isolating Environmental and Social Contributions

The scientific investigation of social processes in forest therapy would benefit from research designs capable of distinguishing environmental exposure, social participation, professional facilitation, and reflective activities. Such distinctions are necessary because conventional comparisons between guided and unguided programmes frequently introduce several differences simultaneously.

One possible approach would involve comparing three formats within a similar forest environment: independent participation, group participation without professional facilitation, and professionally guided group participation. This design could provide preliminary evidence concerning the contribution of organisational structure and social arrangement. However, differences in activity selection, pacing, expectations, and opportunities for interaction would still require careful documentation.

A more controlled approach could employ a factorial design in which environmental setting and social context are varied independently. For example, participants might undertake comparable activities in a forest and a suitable non-forest environment, either individually or in groups. Such comparisons could help investigate whether environmental conditions modify the effects associated with social participation. A further experimental factor could distinguish facilitated from self-directed activities, although the resulting design would require sufficient sample sizes and careful control of intervention fidelity.

The selection of outcome measures should correspond to the programme’s stated objectives. If the intended outcome concerns psychological restoration, measures of mood, stress, or attention may be relevant. If the proposed benefit involves social connection, assessments of belonging, interpersonal comfort, perceived support, or loneliness would be more appropriate. Nature connectedness should be evaluated separately from general psychological well-being, since improvement in one domain cannot establish improvement in the other.

Participant preferences should also be examined as possible moderators. The effects of companionship may differ according to individuals’ preferred degrees of social interaction, perceived safety, previous relationships with natural environments, and familiarity with group activities. Evaluating these characteristics before participation would help researchers investigate whether particular forms of forest engagement are better suited to different participants.

Qualitative methods may provide additional insight into processes that are difficult to capture through standardised scales. Interviews, participant diaries, or reflective accounts could explore how individuals interpret shared silence, conversation, personal autonomy, and environmental attention. Such material can help identify meaningful aspects of experience and generate hypotheses, but should not be treated as sufficient evidence of causal mechanisms without additional investigation.

Longitudinal research would also be valuable. Immediate improvements in mood or perceived restoration do not necessarily demonstrate enduring changes in psychological well-being, social relationships, or engagement with nature. Repeated assessments could examine whether participants maintain contact with others, continue visiting natural environments, develop confidence in independent outdoor activities, or report changes in social connectedness over time.

These investigations would need to account for selection effects and differences in continued participation. Individuals who repeatedly attend nature-based groups may differ systematically from those who discontinue, and people with stronger existing social networks may be more willing to participate in organised activities. Consequently, associations between continued attendance and well-being cannot automatically be interpreted as intervention effects.

Future studies should also document potential unintended consequences. Social participation may be supportive for some individuals while introducing discomfort, fatigue, or expectations for others. Measuring only average improvements may obscure these differences, particularly when participants respond to the same activity in contrasting ways.

Ultimately, research should move beyond asking whether guided forest therapy is beneficial as a general category. More informative questions concern which components contribute to particular outcomes, how environmental and interpersonal influences interact, which participants benefit from different arrangements, and whether observed changes persist beyond the immediate encounter.

10.15. Discussion and Conclusion: Is the Therapeutic Value in the Forest, the People, or Their Relationship?

The social dimension of guided Shinrin-Yoku challenges explanations that locate therapeutic value exclusively within the natural environment or the professional organisation of activities. Forest-based experiences involve interactions among environmental conditions, individual perceptions, interpersonal relationships, expectations, and, where applicable, professional facilitation. These contributors may influence different aspects of the encounter, but their relative importance cannot be assumed to remain constant across participants or circumstances.

The broader literature provides substantial evidence that supportive social relationships are relevant to human health. Nevertheless, these findings cannot establish that temporary forest therapy groups produce outcomes equivalent to those associated with enduring relationships. Similarly, research concerning forest exposure provides evidence of potentially restorative effects, but does not demonstrate that every beneficial response observed during a guided group session originates from the forest itself.

The existing comparative studies of guided and self-guided forest engagement suggest that organisational differences may influence the prominence of introspection, emotional expression, and social interaction. However, the available evidence does not consistently demonstrate that guided group participation produces superior restoration across physiological and psychological outcomes (Kim & Shin, 2021; Yu et al., 2021). The distinction is important because it prevents the presence of additional activities or professional structure from being interpreted automatically as evidence of greater therapeutic effectiveness.

Research concerning expressive writing, collective musical activities, and social participation further demonstrates that some processes associated with forest therapy also occur in other human contexts. Emotional expression, shared attention, companionship, and meaning-making are not exclusive properties of natural environments. Nevertheless, the forest may influence the circumstances under which these processes occur, potentially altering the quality of attention, the organisation of interaction, and the meanings individuals attribute to the encounter.

A relational interpretation therefore shifts attention from identifying one universally therapeutic component toward examining how environmental, interpersonal, and individual processes interact. The forest may provide particular sensory and spatial conditions; the group may introduce companionship and shared experience; the guide may organise opportunities for engagement; and the participant contributes through attention, personal history, interpretation, and choice.

However, these contributions should not be assumed to operate positively in every circumstance. Social interaction may support companionship while reducing opportunities for solitude. Professional structure may provide reassurance while introducing expectations. Reflective conversation may encourage personal expression while also creating vulnerability. A natural environment may be perceived as restorative by one individual and unfamiliar or challenging by another.

The challenge for scientific research is therefore not simply to establish whether combining forest exposure, social participation, and contemplative activities produces a favourable average outcome. It is to investigate whether particular components interact, whether their effects differ across individuals, and whether the observed outcomes are specific to forest settings or shared with other forms of meaningful human activity.

The implications for professional practice are equally significant. Guides may design programmes that provide opportunities for environmental engagement, companionship, and reflection, but they cannot guarantee social bonding, emotional relief, or psychological transformation. Nor should the absence of visible emotional expression or social interaction be interpreted as a failure to benefit. A participant may experience restoration through solitude, reassurance through companionship, personal insight through reflection, or no immediately identifiable change at all.

Within the relational perspective developed through The Mindful Tourist and the Shinrin-Yoku Association, the roles of the environment, guide, participant, and group remain distinct yet interconnected. The forest contributes environmental possibilities, the guide facilitates conditions for engagement, participants bring their individual histories and preferences, and the group introduces interpersonal processes that may influence how the encounter develops. These contributions should be recognised without treating their interaction as proof of therapeutic effectiveness.

Perhaps the most significant question is therefore not whether the forest or the group is therapeutic in isolation, but what becomes possible when individuals encounter a living environment together.

A person may enter the forest seeking solitude and unexpectedly discover companionship. Another may arrive hoping for social connection and find that the most meaningful experience occurs during a period of silence. One participant may experience relief through conversation, while another may appreciate the presence of others without any desire to speak. These differences do not necessarily indicate that one participant has benefited more than another; rather, they illustrate the variability of human experience within a shared setting.

The value of guided group Shinrin-Yoku may consequently lie, at least in part, in the possibility of accommodating different forms of engagement without requiring all participants to experience the same outcome. Such a perspective does not diminish the scientific importance of environmental effects, professional competencies, or social relationships. Instead, it places them within a broader understanding of therapeutic experience as potentially arising through multiple, interacting pathways.

The question remains open because its answer requires evidence capable of distinguishing those pathways. Forest therapy research must therefore continue to examine not only whether beneficial changes occur, but how they occur, for whom they matter, and under which environmental and interpersonal conditions they become significant.

We may gather in the same forest, share the same activities, and encounter similar environmental conditions, yet the experience remains different for every participant. The forest may influence how people relate to one another, just as the presence of others may influence how the forest is perceived. Professional facilitation may make certain opportunities accessible, while personal meaning may continue to develop long after the session has ended.

Recognising this complexity should encourage methodological precision rather than unsupported claims of therapeutic effectiveness. It should also encourage humility concerning the limits of professional influence and respect for the diversity of individual experience.

Ultimately, the question is not only whether the forest makes the gathering meaningful, or whether the people make the forest meaningful. It is whether therapeutic significance may emerge through the changing relationships among the environment, the individuals present, and the meanings they create—while recognising that such significance cannot be presumed, prescribed, or guaranteed.

References

Buettner, D., & Skemp, S. (2016). Blue Zones: Lessons from the world’s longest lived. American Journal of Lifestyle Medicine, 10(5), 318–321. https://doi.org/10.1177/1559827616637066

Candal-Pedreira, C., Rey-Brandariz, J., Martín-Gisbert, L., Teijeiro, A., García, G., Ruano-Ravina, A., & Pérez-Ríos, M. (2026). Blue Zones, an analysis of existing evidence through a scoping review. Aging and Disease, 17(3), 1335–1346. https://doi.org/10.14336/AD.2025.0461

Cohen, S., & Wills, T. A. (1985). Stress, social support, and the buffering hypothesis. Psychological Bulletin, 98(2), 310–357. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.98.2.310

Engel, G. L. (1977). The need for a new medical model: A challenge for biomedicine. Science, 196(4286), 129–136. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.847460

Frattaroli, J. (2006). Experimental disclosure and its moderators: A meta-analysis. Psychological Bulletin, 132(6), 823–865. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.132.6.823

Guziak, M. A. (2023). Scaffolded model of engagement for facilitating guided forest therapy sessions. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI120230518en5

Guziak, M. A. (2026). Spending time in the forest: Modalities of engagement, connection, and care. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI3202602-EN-2

Holt-Lunstad, J., Smith, T. B., & Layton, J. B. (2010). Social relationships and mortality risk: A meta-analytic review. PLOS Medicine, 7(7), Article e1000316. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pmed.1000316

Kawachi, I., & Berkman, L. F. (2001). Social ties and mental health. Journal of Urban Health, 78(3), 458–467. https://doi.org/10.1093/jurban/78.3.458

Kim, J.-G., & Shin, W.-S. (2021). Forest therapy alone or with a guide: Is there a difference between self-guided forest therapy and guided forest therapy programs? International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 18(13), Article 6957. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18136957

Moerman, D. E., & Jonas, W. B. (2002). Deconstructing the placebo effect and finding the meaning response. Annals of Internal Medicine, 136(6), 471–476. https://doi.org/10.7326/0003-4819-136-6-200203190-00011

Pearce, E., Launay, J., & Dunbar, R. I. M. (2015). The ice-breaker effect: Singing mediates fast social bonding. Royal Society Open Science, 2(10), Article 150221. https://doi.org/10.1098/rsos.150221

Pennebaker, J. W. (1997). Writing about emotional experiences as a therapeutic process. Psychological Science, 8(3), 162–166. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9280.1997.tb00403.x

Pollard, T. M., Gibson, K., Tupper, E., McGuire, L., Griffith, B., & Jeffries, J. (2025). Delivering green social prescribing: An ethnographic exploration of the place of walking and gardening groups in a social prescribing intervention. Social Science & Medicine, 380, Article 118184. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2025.118184

Skivington, K., Matthews, L., Simpson, S. A., Craig, P., Baird, J., Blazeby, J. M., Boyd, K. A., Craig, N., French, D. P., McIntosh, E., Petticrew, M., Rycroft-Malone, J., White, M., & Moore, L. (2021). A new framework for developing and evaluating complex interventions: Update of Medical Research Council guidance. BMJ, 374, Article n2061. https://doi.org/10.1136/bmj.n2061

Staats, H., & Hartig, T. (2004). Alone or with a friend: A social context for psychological restoration and environmental preferences. Journal of Environmental Psychology, 24(2), 199–211. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jenvp.2003.12.005

Yu, C.-P., Chen, H.-T., Chao, P.-H., Yin, J., & Tsai, M.-J. (2021). The role of social context in physiological and psychological restoration in a forest: Case study of a guided forest therapy program in Taiwan. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 18(19), Article 10076. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph181910076 

Research Article · Section 11 · Interactive Summary

When Nature Does Not
Feel Therapeutic

Forests may support psychological restoration, physiological regulation, and meaningful encounters. Yet the presence of nature does not guarantee a beneficial experience for every individual.

What happens when the forest evokes fear, discomfort, distress, or simply no sense of restoration?
01 / Conceptual Framework

Therapeutic potential is not a guaranteed outcome

The experience of nature emerges through relationships among the environment, the individual, and the context of the encounter. None of these elements independently guarantees restoration.

01 · ENVIRONMENT

The Forest

Weather, terrain, visibility, biodiversity, air quality, natural sounds, and environmental hazards.

02 · INDIVIDUAL

The Person

Perception, health, physical capacities, memories, sensory preferences, expectations, and personal history.

03 · CONTEXT

The Encounter

Social relationships, cultural circumstances, accessibility, duration, activities, and professional facilitation.

Human–Nature Experience

A dynamic encounter with multiple possible psychological, physiological, and personal outcomes.

Restorative

Improved well-being, reduced stress, or perceived psychological recovery.

Neutral

Little measurable or perceived change, without necessarily lacking personal value.

Uncomfortable

Temporary fear, fatigue, uncertainty, distraction, or unpleasant sensations.

Adverse

Physical harm, significant distress, or other unwanted consequences.

These categories are illustrative, not mutually exclusive or a validated clinical classification. An experience may have several dimensions simultaneously.

02 / Explore the Argument

Why nature may not feel therapeutic

Open each research theme to examine the conditions influencing forest experiences and their implications for professional Shinrin-Yoku practice.

11.1–11.4 Environmental safety and the limits of restoration

Natural environments differ in their restorative potential. Perceived danger, restricted visibility, difficult terrain, uncomfortable temperatures, and unfavourable air quality may change the experience.

Research by Herzog and Rector (2009), Gatersleben and Andrews (2013), and Song et al. (2025) demonstrates the relevance of safety perception, landscape characteristics, and thermal conditions.

  • Physical safety and perceived safety are distinct but interacting considerations.
  • Environmental familiarity for a guide does not guarantee familiarity for participants.
  • Natural environments must be assessed according to actual conditions, not idealised assumptions.
Guiding implication: Choose suitable locations, reassess changing conditions, and prioritise safety over the expectation of relaxation.
11.5–11.6 Sensory diversity, culture, and accessibility

Sensory engagement is not universally pleasant. Sounds, scents, tactile experiences, silence, and restricted visual orientation may produce different responses across individuals.

Cultural and socioeconomic conditions also influence the meaning, accessibility, and suitability of natural spaces. Research by Berdejo-Espinola et al. (2024) demonstrates that relationships between nearby greenness and life satisfaction may differ across living conditions.

  • Sensory preference does not determine the authenticity of nature connectedness.
  • Physical proximity to greenery does not guarantee equitable or meaningful access.
  • Gardens, parks, and accessible woodland paths may offer suitable alternatives to remote forests.
Guiding implication: Provide different ways of engaging with nature and avoid imposing one ideal form of sensory or environmental experience.
11.7–11.10 Emotional responses, expectations, and group dynamics

A forest encounter may evoke grief, anxiety, memories, restlessness, or social discomfort. The presence of difficult emotions does not independently demonstrate psychological healing.

Expectations of relaxation can also generate disappointment or self-judgement when the intended experience does not occur. Group activities may support belonging, but may also introduce perceived pressure to participate or disclose personal experiences.

  • Tears or emotional intensity are not automatic evidence of therapeutic progress.
  • A participant may prefer solitude, companionship, sharing, or silence.
  • Unpleasantness, distress, and harm require different interpretations.
Guiding implication: Listen without imposing explanations, make reflective activities voluntary, and communicate benefits without guarantees.
11.11–11.13 Autonomy, professional boundaries, and risk assessment

Informed participation involves meaningful choice throughout a session rather than consent provided only before an activity begins. Participants may change their minds, decline invitations, or need adaptations as circumstances unfold.

Within the TMT® Scaffolded Model of Engagement, invitations can support structure while preserving degrees of freedom. Trauma-informed sensitivity further emphasises safety, respect, and choice without extending nonclinical guiding into psychotherapy.

  • Maintain ongoing physical and emotional risk assessment.
  • Respect participants' boundaries and legitimate preferences.
  • Modify, pause, or end activities when circumstances require.
  • Recognise when professional referral or emergency procedures are necessary.
Guiding implication: Professional competence includes knowing when a planned experience should not continue.
11.14–11.17 Research, ecological limits, and ethical conclusions

Forest therapy research should assess intended benefits alongside unfavourable responses, withdrawal, acceptability, and contextual differences. Personal meaning and therapeutic effectiveness should not be treated as identical.

Forests are also living ecological systems, not environments designed exclusively for human comfort. A meaningful relationship with nature may include respect, caution, uncertainty, and ecological awareness.

  • Report individual variation rather than relying exclusively on group averages.
  • Monitor potential adverse experiences using clear definitions.
  • Distinguish measured therapeutic outcomes from subjective or educational value.
  • Recognise nature's ecological significance beyond its usefulness to humans.
Research implication: Ask not only whether forest therapy works, but for whom, under what conditions, through which processes, and with what limitations.
03 / Research Perspective

What the evidence helps us understand

Research supports the possibility of beneficial forest-based experiences while identifying factors that may limit or modify restoration. These studies do not establish universal effects.

FOREST THERAPY · META-ANALYSIS

Qin et al. (2026)

A synthesis of 25 studies reported favourable average psychological outcomes, alongside substantial heterogeneity and limitations in evidence certainty.

Read research ↗
SAFETY AND LANDSCAPE

Gatersleben & Andrews (2013)

Restorative responses varied with landscape characteristics including visibility, accessibility, and opportunities for concealment.

Read research ↗
THERMAL ENVIRONMENT

Song et al. (2025)

Findings suggest that thermal conditions may influence psychological and physiological outcomes of urban forest exposure, with important methodological uncertainties.

Read research ↗
SOCIOENVIRONMENTAL CONTEXT

Berdejo-Espinola et al. (2024)

Associations between greenness and well-being differed across residential and socioeconomic circumstances, illustrating why context matters.

Read research ↗

Selected studies from the full article. Findings differ in design and outcome measures; they should not be interpreted as establishing individual clinical effectiveness or safety.

04 / Professional Practice

When the experience does not unfold as expected

Responsible guiding is not simply the delivery of a prepared sequence. It includes an ongoing response to the participant, the environment, and the changing conditions of the encounter.

STEP 01

Observe

Attend to expressed discomfort, environmental changes, and potential physical or emotional concerns.

STEP 02

Listen

Ask what the participant needs, without diagnosing, interpreting, or assigning therapeutic meaning.

STEP 03

Adapt

Offer suitable alternatives, rest, reduced stimulation, a different route, or the option to decline.

STEP 04

Protect

Pause or discontinue when necessary. Prioritise safeguarding and seek appropriate assistance when required.

Explore practical situations

Select a scenario to reveal the professional considerations arising from Section 11.

A participant feels anxious in dense woodland

Perceived safety may differ from the guide's assessment of the location. Acknowledge the participant's experience, consider a more open or familiar area, and offer choices compatible with physical safety.

Do not assume fear must be overcome for the encounter to be meaningful.
A participant begins crying during reflection

An emotional response does not establish either harm or healing. Respond respectfully, ask whether support or a change in activity is wanted, and avoid imposing explanations. Escalate concerns when they exceed professional competence.

Emotional expression should not be interpreted automatically as a therapeutic breakthrough.
Environmental conditions become unsuitable

Changes in weather, air quality, terrain, or other hazards may require modification or cancellation. The guide's responsibility for safety takes priority over completion of the planned session.

Ending an unsuitable activity may demonstrate professional competence.
05 / Synthesis

What Section 11 contributes to the wider article

Section 11 challenges the assumption that therapeutic intention, natural exposure, or professional guidance necessarily produces beneficial outcomes. It advances three distinctions:

Therapeutic potential versus therapeutic outcome
A forest may offer conditions associated with restoration without every participant experiencing a measurable or subjectively meaningful benefit. Potential should not be mistaken for guaranteed effect.
Personal meaning versus demonstrated effectiveness
An experience may have ecological, educational, emotional, or personal significance without achieving a prespecified therapeutic outcome. These dimensions may coexist but should be evaluated separately.
Professional responsibility versus control of outcomes
Guides can prepare, assess, facilitate, adapt, and safeguard. They cannot fully determine how participants will experience the forest. Professional accountability remains even when outcomes are uncertain.

Section 11 · Central Reflection

“The forest does not promise restoration. We bring that expectation with us.”

A responsible understanding of Shinrin-Yoku recognises beneficial experiences, takes difficult experiences seriously, and does not require every participant to feel what the guide expects them to feel.

When nature does not feel therapeutic, the first response should be to listen.

Interactive academic summary · Section 11: When Nature Does Not Feel Therapeutic

11. When Nature Does Not Feel Therapeutic

The growing recognition of Shinrin-Yoku, forest bathing, forest therapy, and other nature-based interventions has been accompanied by an increasingly influential discourse concerning the restorative and health-promoting properties of natural environments. Forests are frequently represented as settings that facilitate psychological restoration, physiological regulation, emotional well-being, and meaningful relationships with the natural world. Scientific investigations have identified promising associations between particular forms of nature exposure and improvements in psychological and physiological indicators. Nevertheless, such findings do not establish that natural environments are universally experienced as pleasant, safe, restorative, or therapeutic. Indeed, the assumption that nature is inherently beneficial risks obscuring important variations in individual responses and the environmental, psychological, and social conditions under which those responses emerge.

A fundamental distinction must therefore be maintained between the therapeutic potential of an environment and the therapeutic outcome of a particular encounter. A forest may possess characteristics that support psychological restoration under certain conditions while simultaneously presenting physical, sensory, emotional, or social challenges to particular individuals. Furthermore, the same person may experience a familiar forest differently across successive visits, depending on changes in physical condition, psychological state, environmental circumstances, previous experiences, and the purposes for which the environment is entered. Human–nature relationships are thus not static properties of either individuals or environments but dynamic interactions shaped by multiple contextual influences.

The relational perspective developed throughout this article provides a useful framework for examining such variability. Rather than treating therapeutic experience as an automatic consequence of environmental exposure, it conceptualises the encounter as an interaction among environmental characteristics, bodily processes, individual histories, attention, perception, emotional responses, social relationships, personal meaning, and, where applicable, professional facilitation. Within this framework, the absence of restoration is not necessarily an anomalous response requiring correction. It constitutes an important dimension of the phenomenon being investigated.

This section critically examines circumstances in which forest-based experiences may be uncomfortable, non-restorative, or potentially harmful. Particular attention is given to environmental safety, perceived danger, sensory variability, cultural and socioeconomic influences, emotional responses, group dynamics, accessibility, and the ethical responsibilities of professional guides. Drawing upon environmental psychology, forest therapy research, meditation-related adverse-event literature, and principles of responsible professional practice, the discussion argues that recognising the limitations of nature-based interventions is essential to developing a scientifically credible and ethically defensible understanding of their therapeutic potential.

11.1. Beyond the Universal Narrative of Nature’s Healing Power

The expression nature heals has become increasingly familiar within contemporary health promotion, environmental education, and wellness discourse. Although the phrase may communicate a meaningful personal experience, its interpretation as a universal causal proposition is scientifically problematic. Natural environments are ecologically heterogeneous, individuals differ in their responses to environmental stimuli, and the conditions under which nature contact occurs are continually changing. Consequently, the presence of vegetation, forest cover, or other natural characteristics cannot independently establish that a beneficial psychological or physiological outcome will occur.

Recent systematic reviews provide reasons for cautious optimism while highlighting the limitations of the existing evidence. Qin et al. (2026), in a systematic review and meta-analysis of 25 studies involving 1,876 participants, reported favourable average effects of forest therapy on psychological stress, depressive symptoms, and anxiety symptoms. However, substantial between-study heterogeneity was observed, and the certainty of evidence was rated moderate for stress outcomes and low for depressive and anxiety outcomes. These findings suggest that forest-based interventions may provide meaningful benefits, but they do not establish their effectiveness for every participant or under all environmental and personal circumstances.

Similarly, Andrade et al. (2026), in a systematic review and meta-analysis of 11 studies, reported favourable short-term associations between Shinrin-Yoku and selected cardiovascular and psychological measures, including heart rate, tension–anxiety, and depression–despondency. Nevertheless, the investigators rated the certainty of evidence as very low, reflecting concerns regarding methodological limitations, inconsistency, and imprecision. Their conclusions support the interpretation of forest bathing as a potentially complementary health-promoting practice rather than an independently established treatment for cardiovascular or mental disorders.

An important methodological distinction follows from these findings. Statistically significant average improvements do not imply uniform responses among participants. Group-level estimates may conceal differences in the magnitude, direction, and subjective meaning of individual experiences. Some participants may experience substantial improvement, others may report minimal change, and others may experience discomfort or deterioration. Furthermore, studies designed primarily to investigate beneficial outcomes may not consistently monitor unwanted responses or adverse events. Consequently, the absence of reported harm cannot automatically be interpreted as evidence of its absence.

Psychological and physiological responses must also be distinguished. Changes in stress-related biological indicators do not necessarily establish that an experience was subjectively pleasant, meaningful, or acceptable. Conversely, an individual may attribute considerable personal significance to a forest encounter without demonstrating measurable changes in physiological indicators. Although these dimensions may interact, they should not be treated as interchangeable measures of therapeutic effectiveness.

The relevant scientific question is therefore not whether forests are universally therapeutic, but under which conditions, for whom, and through which processes forest-based experiences may contribute to well-being. This formulation shifts attention from categorical claims about the healing properties of nature toward the investigation of conditional, context-dependent relationships.

11.2. Fear, Environmental Perception, and the Limits of Restoration

One of the clearest challenges to the assumption of universal restoration concerns the perception of environmental danger. Forests may evoke tranquillity, fascination, and belonging, but they may also generate uncertainty, fear, disgust, or heightened vigilance. Such responses can emerge through interactions among environmental characteristics, previous experiences, cultural expectations, personal preferences, and perceived vulnerability.

Bixler and Floyd (1997) investigated attitudes toward wildland environments among 450 eighth-grade students, examining relationships among anticipated fear, sensitivity to disgust, preferences for modern comforts, and attitudes toward natural settings. Participants reporting greater expectations of fear or discomfort demonstrated stronger preferences for managed parks and urban environments than for less developed wildland settings. Although the study concerned a specific adolescent population and cannot be generalised automatically to adults or other cultural contexts, it provides evidence that negative perceptions of nature are legitimate and measurable aspects of human–environment relationships.

The significance of perceived danger was further examined by Herzog and Rector (2009), who investigated anticipated restoration in scenarios involving a natural trail or urban street, with or without an apparent interpersonal threat. Under relatively safe conditions, the natural setting was judged more likely to support restoration. However, when a serious threat was introduced, this advantage disappeared. Because the research measured judgements concerning anticipated restoration rather than physiological changes following actual environmental exposure, its findings should be interpreted within those methodological boundaries. Nevertheless, the study demonstrates that the perceived restorative potential of an environment can be substantially modified by expectations of safety.

Gatersleben and Andrews (2013) extended this investigation by examining landscape characteristics associated with prospect, refuge, visibility, and accessibility. Their studies included an online survey of 269 participants and smaller experimental investigations involving outdoor walking and laboratory exposure to recordings of natural environments. Environments offering relatively open views and fewer opportunities for concealment were more restorative under the conditions examined, whereas environments characterised by restricted visibility and greater concealment were less restorative and, in some circumstances, associated with increased stress and attention fatigue.

These findings are particularly relevant to forest-based interventions because the physical characteristics of forests can create conflicting experiential possibilities. Dense vegetation may foster immersion, curiosity, or a sense of ecological complexity, while simultaneously limiting visibility, complicating navigation, or increasing vigilance. The same landscape may therefore be experienced as protective by one participant and threatening by another. Familiarity may also alter perception: a guide who has visited a particular forest repeatedly may experience its terrain and vegetation as predictable, whereas a first-time participant may remain uncertain about orientation, accessibility, or environmental hazards.

The professional significance of these findings lies in recognising that environmental familiarity cannot be transferred automatically from the guide to the participant. The guide’s assessment of a location as suitable is important, but it does not establish that all participants will perceive the environment as safe. Route selection, orientation, communication, and opportunities for adaptation should therefore reflect both environmental characteristics and anticipated differences in participant experience.

11.3. Perceived Safety and Actual Environmental Risk

The distinction between perceived danger and actual environmental hazard is fundamental to responsible forest-based practice. An environment may present significant physical hazards without generating an immediate sense of danger, particularly among individuals who are familiar with the location. Conversely, a participant may experience substantial anxiety in a relatively well-maintained environment because of unfamiliarity, previous experiences, or uncertainty about personal capabilities. These circumstances should not be conflated, since both can influence the suitability of an encounter through different pathways.

Physical risk assessment concerns identifiable characteristics of the environment and activities, including terrain stability, weather, vegetation, wildlife, accessibility, route conditions, and the likelihood and consequences of foreseeable hazards. Perceived safety concerns an individual’s confidence, sense of orientation, anticipated vulnerability, sensory comfort, and willingness to participate. The two dimensions interact but remain analytically distinct. An apparently calm participant may underestimate environmental hazards, while another participant may experience persistent vigilance despite relatively favourable physical conditions.

This distinction is especially relevant because Shinrin-Yoku frequently incorporates slower movement, sustained sensory attention, and periods of contemplative stillness. Although these practices may support restoration under suitable conditions, reduced vigilance is not always desirable. Attention to uneven terrain, changing weather, restricted visibility, or unfamiliar surroundings may constitute an appropriate protective response rather than an obstacle to therapeutic engagement.

Consequently, the objective of guiding should not be to eliminate fear indiscriminately or assume that relaxation is always the most beneficial response. Instead, professional decision-making should distinguish between realistic environmental concerns, subjective discomfort, personal preference, and circumstances requiring adaptation or discontinuation. Psychological reassurance cannot substitute for environmental safety, just as technical risk assessment cannot invalidate an individual’s experience of fear.

11.4. Environmental Conditions and the Variability of Therapeutic Outcomes

The therapeutic potential of forest environments is influenced by physical conditions that change across locations, seasons, and individual encounters. Temperature, humidity, precipitation, wind, air quality, terrain, and biological exposures may affect psychological experience and physiological functioning. These variables are particularly relevant to guided Shinrin-Yoku sessions involving extended periods of stillness, slow walking, or activities that require sustained attention to the surrounding environment.

Song et al. (2025), in a systematic review and meta-analysis incorporating nine studies and 30 analytical cases, investigated the influence of thermal conditions on psychophysiological responses to urban forest exposure. Favourable changes in heart rate and selected mood indicators were observed under relatively thermally neutral conditions, while findings under colder and warmer conditions were less consistent. The authors acknowledged substantial methodological limitations, geographical concentration of the included studies, and uncertainty surrounding the generalisability of their findings. Their results nevertheless support the interpretation of thermal conditions as potential modifiers of forest-based intervention outcomes rather than incidental environmental characteristics.

Forest air presents another important consideration. Discussions of Shinrin-Yoku frequently emphasise plant-derived volatile organic compounds, including compounds commonly discussed in relation to phytoncides, and their possible contributions to human health. However, vegetation does not guarantee favourable atmospheric conditions. Wildfire smoke, regional air pollution, pollen, dust, and other airborne substances may affect the suitability of outdoor exposure. The United States Environmental Protection Agency (2025) recommends reducing, postponing, or modifying outdoor activities when wildfire smoke creates hazardous particulate exposure. Accordingly, the presence of trees should not be regarded as evidence that inhaled air is beneficial in every circumstance.

Biological exposures also require geographical and ecological specificity. Insects, ticks, stinging organisms, allergenic plants, and wildlife may contribute to physical hazards or psychological discomfort. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (2024), for example, identifies wooded and grassy environments as potential habitats for ticks and recommends exposure-reduction measures. However, such guidance must be interpreted according to local ecological conditions rather than applied as a universal description of every forest.

Table 11.1. Environmental factors that may modify the suitability and experience of forest-based interventions

Environmental dimension

Potential influence on experience

Implications for professional practice

Temperature and humidity

Thermal discomfort, fatigue, altered physiological responses

Assess exposure, schedule suitable activities, adapt duration and rest opportunities

Terrain and accessibility

Physical effort, instability, fear of falling, difficulty navigating

Select appropriate routes and activities; provide alternatives

Visibility and enclosure

Changes in perceived safety, vigilance, orientation, and attention

Consider landscape characteristics and individual preferences

Air quality

Exposure to smoke, particulate pollution, pollen, or irritants

Check relevant conditions and relocate, modify, or cancel when necessary

Weather and seasonal conditions

Changing environmental hazards and physical comfort

Reassess conditions immediately before and throughout sessions

Wildlife and insects

Physical hazards, distraction, fear, or curiosity

Use geographically appropriate precautions and responsible ecological practices

Vegetation and natural materials

Allergic responses, sensory discomfort, inappropriate physical contact

Avoid unnecessary exposure and maintain informed, voluntary participation

Note. The table synthesises implications from the cited environmental and public-health literature. It is a conceptual guide for professional consideration, not a validated risk-assessment instrument.

An important consequence of this variability is that no forest can be classified as therapeutically suitable independently of the conditions under which it is encountered. A location that supports restoration during mild weather may become physically inappropriate during extreme heat, heavy rainfall, smoke exposure, or other hazardous circumstances. Professional adaptation, postponement, or cancellation should therefore be understood as legitimate components of responsible guiding rather than failures to deliver the intended experience.

11.5. Sensory Diversity and the Non-Universality of Sensory Pleasure

Sensory attention constitutes a prominent component of many guided Shinrin-Yoku programmes. Invitations may encourage participants to notice sounds, textures, colours, scents, temperature, bodily sensations, and other characteristics of the immediate environment. Such practices can create opportunities for deliberate attention and experiential engagement. Nevertheless, sensory awareness should not be equated automatically with sensory pleasure, psychological restoration, or increased nature connectedness.

Individual responses to sensory stimuli vary according to sensory processing, previous experiences, disability, physical condition, emotional state, and environmental familiarity. Natural sounds that one participant experiences as calming may be distracting or overwhelming to another. Touching bark, soil, moss, or leaves may create curiosity or pleasure, but it may also produce discomfort or present practical concerns. Similarly, an invitation to close the eyes may facilitate auditory attention for some individuals while reducing the perceived safety or orientation of others.

These differences have important implications for the design and interpretation of guided activities. When sensory engagement is presented as the preferred or necessary route toward nature connectedness, participants who do not enjoy particular experiences may be positioned as insufficiently receptive or engaged. Such interpretations are not justified solely by the absence of a pleasurable response. An individual may possess a meaningful relationship with the natural world while preferring visual observation, movement, contemplation, or ecological learning over tactile exploration or prolonged stillness.

The TMT® Scaffolded Model of Engagement offers a relevant conceptual approach through its emphasis on designing invitations that preserve meaningful degrees of freedom (Guziak, 2023). Within this model, structured opportunities for engagement need not prescribe identical behaviours, interpretations, or outcomes. Participants may respond through different sensory modalities, adapt an invitation to their circumstances, or decline participation without being positioned as unsuccessful.

Importantly, the relationship between sensory preference and nature connectedness should not be interpreted through a single ideal of environmental engagement. A person who experiences discomfort in dense woodland may maintain a strong connection with nature through gardens, rivers, urban parks, or other ecosystems. Likewise, a person who appreciates a forest’s ecological significance may remain cautious about insects, unfamiliar organisms, or adverse weather.

The absence of universal comfort does not imply the absence of a meaningful human–nature relationship. Rather, it demonstrates that connectedness may coexist with caution, discomfort, respect, uncertainty, and selective engagement. This understanding is consistent with the broader diversity of forest engagement modalities examined in Guziak (2026a).

11.6. Cultural, Socioeconomic, and Accessibility Considerations

Experiences of natural environments are embedded within social, cultural, and economic circumstances. The meaning and availability of green spaces depend not only on ecological characteristics but also on infrastructure, security, mobility, social norms, previous experiences, and broader conditions of everyday life. Consequently, relationships observed between nature exposure and well-being in one population should not be assumed to apply uniformly across different geographical or socioeconomic contexts.

Berdejo-Espinola et al. (2024) investigated associations between nature exposure and well-being among 1,119 residents of Asunción, Paraguay. The study identified a positive association between nature connectedness and life satisfaction but reported different relationships between residential greenness and life satisfaction across socioeconomic settings. Among residents of informal settlements, greater nearby greenness was associated with lower life satisfaction, whereas more favourable associations were observed in formal residential environments. Because the investigation was observational, these results do not establish that vegetation caused lower well-being. Instead, they demonstrate that environmental greenness cannot be interpreted independently of the social and material conditions within which it occurs.

These findings challenge approaches that equate the presence of greenery with equitable access to restorative environments. Vegetation may coexist with inadequate infrastructure, environmental hazards, limited public services, or social exclusion. Similarly, geographical proximity to a forest or park does not necessarily establish that it is safe, accessible, affordable, or culturally welcoming.

Accessibility extends beyond the presence of a physical path. Terrain gradients, obstacles, seating, sanitation facilities, transport availability, route duration, communication methods, and activity design may all influence participation. These characteristics also interact with psychological experience. A participant concerned about completing a route may remain focused on physical demands rather than environmental attention, while an individual who requires rest or adaptations may experience embarrassment if the programme provides insufficient flexibility.

Professional guidance may improve access for some participants, but the presence of a guide cannot compensate automatically for inaccessible environments or unsuitable activities. Inclusive practice may require shorter routes, adapted invitations, alternative forms of movement or rest, and the selection of gardens, accessible woodland paths, or urban green spaces rather than remote forests. Such adaptations should not be interpreted as providing less authentic nature contact. Instead, they recognise that the value of an experience is not determined exclusively by the apparent wildness of its setting.

11.7. Unexpected Emotional Responses and the Limits of Interpretation

Forest environments may evoke emotional responses that differ from those anticipated by participants or guides. Sensory cues, personal memories, cultural associations, social relationships, and opportunities for reflection may contribute to experiences of gratitude, sadness, grief, loneliness, uncertainty, or emotional intensity. However, the presence of these responses does not independently establish that a therapeutic process has begun or that psychological improvement will follow.

A particular scent may evoke memories of childhood, while a landscape may remind an individual of a deceased relative. A period of silence may make previously unexamined concerns more noticeable, and a reflective invitation may evoke emotions unrelated to the guide’s intended objective. Although such experiences may be personally significant, their meaning cannot be inferred reliably from external observation alone.

This distinction is especially important when emotional release is represented as evidence of healing. A participant becoming tearful during a forest session may be experiencing grief, gratitude, frustration, exhaustion, relief, or a combination of responses. The observation of tears does not permit the guide to determine their cause or therapeutic significance. Similarly, anxiety arising during a contemplative exercise should not automatically be interpreted as a necessary stage of emotional processing.

The participant remains the primary authority on the personally experienced meaning of an encounter. Even when an individual chooses to discuss an emotional response, the guide should avoid imposing explanations that exceed the available evidence or professional competence. Respectful listening, appropriate boundaries, and attention to expressed needs are more defensible than assigning predetermined therapeutic meanings to complex emotional experiences.

The central distinction is therefore between creating conditions in which reflection may occur and claiming that reflection necessarily produces psychological benefit. Forest-based experiences may offer opportunities for meaningful emotional engagement, but these opportunities neither guarantee beneficial outcomes nor establish that participants should continue an experience they find distressing.

11.8. Discomfort, Distress, Harm, and Evidence from Related Practices

The recognition that nature-based experiences may be unpleasant requires a more precise vocabulary for describing unfavourable responses. Discomfort, distress, and harm are related but analytically distinct concepts. Discomfort may involve temporary unpleasantness, uncertainty, boredom, fatigue, or mild emotional unease. Distress generally refers to a more intense psychological or physiological response that may interfere with an individual’s ability to continue an activity or maintain a sense of safety. Harm concerns an adverse consequence affecting physical or psychological well-being, potentially extending beyond the immediate encounter.

These categories are not necessarily sharply separated. Their interpretation depends upon severity, duration, context, consequences, and participant appraisal. Moreover, an unpleasant experience should not automatically be classified as harmful, just as temporary discomfort should not automatically be dismissed as beneficial. A person may regard sadness during reflection as meaningful without considering it harmful, whereas another may experience a similar activity as unwanted and destabilising.

Research on meditation-related adverse experiences offers an informative, although indirect, comparison. Farias et al. (2020), in a systematic review of 83 studies involving 6,703 participants, identified reports of unwanted experiences associated with meditation practices. The pooled prevalence estimate was approximately 8.3%, although substantial variation existed across methodological approaches, with markedly different estimates in experimental and observational studies. Reported experiences included anxiety, depressive symptoms, and changes in cognition or perception.

These findings must not be transferred directly to forest therapy. Meditation practices differ in their intensity, duration, objectives, procedures, and participant populations, and the reported prevalence cannot be used to estimate adverse-event rates in Shinrin-Yoku. Nevertheless, the review demonstrates a relevant general principle: an activity associated with psychological benefit may also be accompanied by unwanted experiences. Beneficial intentions and favourable average outcomes do not eliminate the possibility of adverse individual responses.

This observation is particularly relevant when guided forest sessions incorporate meditation, prolonged silence, inward attention, or emotionally reflective exercises. While these activities may be appropriate for some participants, they should not be assumed to be suitable for everyone merely because they occur in a natural environment. Opportunities for external sensory attention, movement, open-eyed participation, or discontinuation may preserve autonomy without compromising the broader purpose of the encounter.

11.9. Therapeutic Expectations and the Risk of Self-Judgement

The way forest-based experiences are presented before participation may influence both expectations and subsequent interpretation. Individuals attending a session described as forest therapy may anticipate relaxation, emotional relief, restoration, increased connectedness, or personal transformation. Such expectations are understandable, particularly when promotional communication emphasises positive outcomes. However, they may also create pressure to experience the environment in a particular way.

When anticipated outcomes do not occur, participants may interpret the discrepancy as a personal deficiency. An individual who remains restless may conclude that they are unable to practise mindfulness, while another who experiences little emotional change may question their openness to nature. These secondary interpretations can introduce self-judgement into an experience that was originally intended to support well-being.

This possibility reinforces the distinction between therapeutic intention and therapeutic effect. A guide may organise a session with the intention of supporting relaxation, yet that intention does not guarantee that relaxation will occur. Similarly, the presence of a structured protocol, professional training, or a recognised intervention label does not demonstrate that every participant will experience a measurable benefit.

Within the Shinrin-Yoku Association’s proposed ethical framework, the principle of co-being offers a useful orientation: participants need not demonstrate particular emotions, interpretations, or achievements in order to participate meaningfully. This principle should be understood as a professional and ethical position rather than an independently validated mechanism of therapeutic effectiveness.

Responsible communication should therefore describe possible benefits without converting them into promised outcomes. It should also avoid suggesting that uncomfortable experiences necessarily indicate resistance, inadequate participation, or an emerging healing process. The therapeutic credibility of a programme depends partly on allowing outcomes to remain uncertain and on recognising the legitimacy of experiences that do not conform to the expected narrative.

11.10. Group Dynamics and the Ambivalence of Social Participation

Guided forest sessions frequently incorporate group experiences, shared attention, reflective dialogue, and opportunities for interpersonal connection. Such elements may contribute to companionship, belonging, and social support. Nevertheless, the presence of other people may also generate self-consciousness, social comparison, perceived pressure, distraction, or concern about judgement. The social dimension of forest-based practice should therefore be investigated as a potential contributor to both supportive and unfavourable outcomes.

Staats and Hartig (2004) examined relationships among social context, environmental preference, and anticipated psychological restoration. Their research involved participants imagining walks alone or with a friend under different conditions of attentional fatigue and environmental exposure. The findings indicated that companionship and solitude may influence anticipated restorative experiences differently according to context and individual needs. Although the study did not examine contemporary professionally guided Shinrin-Yoku sessions, it provides a theoretical and empirical basis for questioning assumptions that social participation is universally restorative.

Within guided practice, some participants may value opportunities to discuss personal experiences, whereas others may prefer private reflection or silent observation. A sharing circle that creates connection for one individual may produce discomfort for another, particularly when participants perceive an expectation to disclose emotional or intimate information. Similarly, a participant may experience social belonging through shared presence without wishing to speak.

The guide should therefore distinguish between providing opportunities for interpersonal connection and requiring verbal or emotional participation. Shared experience does not imply identical experience, and silence should not automatically be interpreted as disengagement. Respect for different social preferences is consistent with a relational understanding of therapeutic encounters in which the contribution of companionship depends on participant characteristics, situational conditions, and the quality of facilitation.

11.11. Informed Participation, Autonomy, and the TMT® Scaffolded Model of Engagement

Informed participation is central to the ethical organisation of guided forest experiences. Participants should understand the general nature and purpose of the session, the role and limitations of the guide, foreseeable environmental demands, and the voluntary character of proposed activities. However, informed consent should not be regarded as a single administrative event occurring before the session begins. Willingness to participate may change as activities unfold, environmental conditions shift, or participants encounter unexpected physical or emotional responses.

The TMT® Scaffolded Model of Engagement provides a conceptual foundation for designing structured experiences while preserving participant choice (Guziak, 2023). Its practical significance lies in recognising that invitations can establish opportunities for engagement without prescribing uniform responses. An invitation involving tactile exploration may be adapted into visual observation, while a contemplative activity may permit open-eyed attention, movement, or an alternative posture.

Meaningful choice, however, requires more than formally stating that activities are optional. Participants must also feel able to decline without embarrassment, implicit criticism, or fear of disappointing the guide or group. Communication style, group expectations, activity design, and the availability of genuine alternatives influence whether autonomy can be exercised in practice.

At the same time, participant autonomy must be distinguished from professional safeguarding responsibilities. The freedom to decline an invitation does not entail freedom to disregard essential safety requirements. Guides remain responsible for establishing and communicating appropriate boundaries concerning hazardous terrain, wildlife, weather, and other foreseeable risks.

The Shinrin-Yoku Association’s principles of co-creation, co-responsibility, and co-being may be interpreted within this ethical framework. Co-creation acknowledges that experiences emerge through interactions among participants, environments, and facilitators. Co-responsibility recognises the value of participant communication and agency while preserving the guide’s professional accountability. Co-being supports participation without requiring predetermined emotional outcomes. These principles offer a conceptual orientation for practice, although their contribution to measurable therapeutic effectiveness requires independent empirical investigation.

11.12. Trauma-Informed Principles and Professional Boundaries

Unexpected emotional responses during forest-based activities raise important questions concerning the application of trauma-informed principles. The Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (2014) identifies principles including safety, trustworthiness, peer support, collaboration, empowerment, and choice within trauma-informed approaches. Although developed for broader service and organisational contexts, these principles provide relevant ethical considerations for professionals facilitating experiences that may involve psychological vulnerability.

Within nonclinical Shinrin-Yoku practice, trauma-informed sensitivity should not be interpreted as authorisation to diagnose trauma-related conditions or provide psychotherapy. Rather, it involves recognising that participants may have personal histories that are unknown to the guide and that these histories may influence responses to particular environments or activities. Clear communication, opportunities for choice, respect for refusal, and avoidance of unnecessary coercion can support participation without requiring disclosure of personal experiences.

For example, an individual may prefer not to close their eyes, engage in prolonged inward attention, receive physical contact, or participate in emotionally focused group reflection. Such preferences do not require a clinical explanation before they can be respected. Equally, discomfort should not automatically be attributed to trauma, since doing so may impose an unwarranted interpretation upon the participant.

An ethically responsible guide may create supportive conditions, acknowledge distress, and facilitate practical adjustments while remaining within the boundaries of professional training. When an individual’s needs exceed those boundaries, appropriate referral or emergency procedures should take precedence over continued facilitation. The adoption of trauma-informed principles is therefore best understood as an enhancement of safeguarding and interpersonal sensitivity rather than an expansion of nonclinical guiding into psychological treatment.

11.13. Dynamic Risk Assessment and Professional Responses to Discomfort

The possibility of non-restorative or adverse experiences requires risk assessment to be understood as a continuing process rather than a document completed once before an activity. Environmental conditions may change between visits or during a single session, while participants may arrive with differing physical capacities, emotional states, expectations, and needs. A location previously considered suitable may therefore require reassessment because of weather, terrain, air quality, ecological conditions, or changes in participant circumstances.

Within The Mindful Tourist and Shinrin-Yoku Association educational framework, physical and emotional risk assessment forms an essential part of preparing guided sessions. Physical assessment may examine route conditions, environmental hazards, accessibility, weather, facilities, and the demands of planned activities. Emotional considerations involve anticipating that silence, sensory attention, reflective questions, social interaction, and changes in perceived safety may affect participants differently.

The purpose is not to diagnose participants or predict every possible reaction. Rather, it is to identify foreseeable difficulties, prepare appropriate alternatives, and establish procedures for responding when the encounter develops differently from the original plan. Risk assessment cannot eliminate uncertainty, but it can support proportionate decision-making and clarify professional responsibilities.

When discomfort emerges, the appropriate response should reflect its nature and severity. A participant experiencing fatigue may benefit from rest or a shorter route, while someone experiencing sensory overload may prefer reduced stimulation or a different activity. An individual experiencing anxiety may wish to remain close to the group, return to a familiar location, or discontinue participation. More serious physical or psychological concerns may require the guide to pause or terminate the session and implement appropriate support procedures.

Professional competence therefore includes the capacity to depart from a carefully prepared protocol. The value of structure lies in supporting coherent facilitation, not in requiring its completion regardless of changing circumstances. An activity that was appropriate during planning may become unsuitable in practice, and the decision to modify or discontinue it may represent a more responsible exercise of professional judgement than adherence to the original sequence.

11.14. Evaluating Therapeutic Outcomes and Documenting Unfavourable Experiences

The recognition of individual variability has significant implications for the scientific evaluation of forest-based interventions. Research has frequently prioritised improvements in mood, stress, physiological indicators, or nature connectedness. While these outcomes are important, a comprehensive evaluation should also consider non-response, deterioration, participant withdrawal, physical incidents, emotional distress, and the acceptability of the intervention.

The framework for developing and evaluating complex interventions proposed by Skivington et al. (2021) emphasises the relationships among intervention components, contextual conditions, implementation processes, and outcomes. Such an approach is particularly relevant to forest therapy, where an experience may involve environmental exposure, sensory engagement, movement, social interaction, personal interpretation, and professional facilitation. The effects of these components cannot necessarily be isolated through simple assumptions about environmental benefit.

A scientifically responsible assessment should distinguish between different dimensions of response rather than treating every personally meaningful experience as therapeutic success. A participant may find a session educational without experiencing measurable stress reduction, while another may show favourable physiological changes but report dissatisfaction or discomfort. These outcomes may all be relevant, but they answer different evaluative questions.

Table 11.2. Proposed dimensions for evaluating favourable and unfavourable outcomes in forest-based interventions

Dimension

Examples of assessment

Interpretative considerations

Intended therapeutic outcomes

Changes in validated stress, mood, anxiety, or well-being measures

Evaluate against prespecified objectives, appropriate comparators, and study limitations

Physiological responses

Heart rate, blood pressure, or other relevant biological measures

Do not assume that physiological change establishes subjective restoration

Subjective experience

Perceived restoration, comfort, personal meaning, satisfaction

Distinguish personal significance from demonstrated therapeutic effectiveness

Temporary discomfort

Fatigue, boredom, uncertainty, mild unpleasantness

Consider participant appraisal, duration, and whether adaptation was necessary

Psychological distress

Significant anxiety, unwanted emotional intensity, loss of perceived safety

Document severity, duration, response, and any need for additional support

Physical adverse events

Falls, injury, allergic reactions, or other exposure-related incidents

Record circumstances, severity, response, and relevant environmental conditions

Withdrawal and non-completion

Declining activities, early departure, discontinuation

Investigate reasons without presuming failure or lack of engagement

Contextual moderators

Environmental conditions, accessibility, familiarity, group format

Examine how responses vary across participants and circumstances

Note. This table is a proposed analytical framework for research and professional evaluation. It is not a validated clinical classification or outcome-measurement scale.

Studies that assess only participants who complete an intervention may produce biased estimates if those who withdraw differ systematically from those who remain. Likewise, an absence of adverse-event reporting cannot establish that no unwanted experiences occurred, particularly when studies lack explicit monitoring procedures. Future investigations should therefore establish clear definitions of adverse outcomes and systematically report relevant information concerning incidence, severity, duration, attribution, and participant withdrawal.

Attribution also requires caution. An unwanted experience occurring during or following forest exposure does not necessarily establish that the forest environment or intervention caused it. Temporal association, participant perception, and causal inference should be distinguished, particularly when multiple contextual influences are present.

Research into individual variation may also examine whether perceived safety, environmental familiarity, sensory preferences, social context, and physical accessibility modify outcomes. Repeated-measures and longitudinal designs could help investigate changes across encounters, while qualitative approaches may provide deeper insight into the meanings participants assign to experiences. However, such research should not assume that increasing comfort with a particular environment constitutes improvement for every individual.

Most importantly, the recognition of potentially unfavourable outcomes should not lead researchers to redefine every experience as therapeutic. If relaxation, discomfort, sadness, curiosity, and the absence of change are all automatically interpreted as evidence of benefit, therapeutic effectiveness becomes difficult to evaluate empirically. The intended outcomes of an intervention must remain distinguishable from its broader personal, educational, social, or ecological value.

11.15. The Ecological Limits of the Therapeutic Narrative

The representation of forests as inherently therapeutic raises questions beyond individual health outcomes. Forests are living ecological systems whose processes do not exist primarily to accommodate human psychological needs. Weather, vegetation, microorganisms, insects, fungi, wildlife, and ecological interactions contribute to the functioning of forest environments irrespective of whether their characteristics are experienced as pleasant or restorative by human visitors.

A forest may therefore be ecologically significant without being physically comfortable or psychologically reassuring. Dense vegetation may provide habitat while limiting visibility, insects may fulfil important ecological functions while provoking discomfort, and seasonal processes may create conditions that are unsuitable for particular forms of human activity.

This distinction challenges an excessively instrumental understanding of nature in which ecological characteristics are evaluated primarily according to their contribution to human well-being. Such an interpretation risks reducing complex ecosystems to therapeutic resources and obscuring the fact that meaningful relationships with nature may include caution, uncertainty, curiosity, respect, and recognition of ecological independence.

As discussed in Guziak (2026a), forest engagement may involve multiple modalities that extend beyond explicitly health-oriented objectives. An individual may value a forest through ecological understanding, contemplation, recreation, aesthetic experience, or ethical responsibility without necessarily experiencing measurable psychological restoration. These relationships may remain significant even when the immediate encounter is uncomfortable.

Nevertheless, ecological appreciation should not be used to justify unnecessary exposure to hazards or distress. Respect for environmental processes and responsibility toward participants are compatible principles. Recognising that forests are not designed for uninterrupted human comfort does not diminish the obligation to assess whether a particular encounter is appropriate.

The ecological significance of a forest should therefore be distinguished from its suitability for a particular intervention. A forest may possess considerable biodiversity and ecological value while being unsuitable for a specific participant group, weather condition, or proposed activity. These characteristics are not contradictory; they reflect different dimensions of human–environment relationships.

11.16. Discussion: Can Nature Be Therapeutic Without Always Feeling Therapeutic?

The evidence and conceptual arguments examined in this section support a conditional rather than universal understanding of therapeutic experience in natural environments. Forests may provide opportunities for psychological restoration, physiological regulation, reflection, social connection, and meaningful engagement. However, the realisation of these possibilities depends upon interactions among environmental characteristics, participant attributes, perceived safety, physical suitability, cultural circumstances, social context, and professional facilitation.

Research by Herzog and Rector (2009) and Gatersleben and Andrews (2013) demonstrates the importance of perceived danger and landscape characteristics in judgements and experiences of restoration. Song et al. (2025) indicates that thermal conditions may modify psychophysiological responses to forest exposure, while Berdejo-Espinola et al. (2024) highlights the importance of socioeconomic context in relationships between greenness and well-being. Taken together, these findings challenge the interpretation of forest environments as universally restorative settings.

Nevertheless, recognising that nature does not always feel therapeutic requires an additional distinction: an experience may be subjectively uncomfortable without necessarily lacking every possible beneficial consequence. An individual may encounter difficult emotions during reflection and subsequently attribute personal significance to the experience. Another may show changes in physiological indicators despite reporting little enjoyment. Conversely, an experience may feel pleasant without producing the therapeutic outcomes for which an intervention was designed.

These possibilities should not be collapsed into a single category of therapeutic success. Whether an experience is therapeutic depends partly on the outcome under consideration, the method used to evaluate it, and the individual and contextual circumstances in which it occurs. Unpleasantness alone does not establish harm, but neither does it constitute evidence of healing. Similarly, personal meaning may be valuable without demonstrating a clinically relevant therapeutic effect.

This distinction has implications for the relationship between the forest, participant, and professional guide. Environmental characteristics may contribute directly to comfort or discomfort, participant histories may shape interpretation, and social arrangements may influence perceived safety or belonging. The guide may modify aspects of the experience through route selection, communication, invitations, and responsive facilitation. However, the interaction among these elements does not imply that any one component can guarantee a particular outcome.

The distinction between causal contribution and professional responsibility is particularly important. The guide cannot fully control environmental processes or participant responses, but remains accountable for decisions within the scope of professional practice. This includes appropriate preparation, risk assessment, transparent communication, informed participation, reasonable adaptation, and recognition of professional limitations. Such responsibilities remain even when therapeutic outcomes are uncertain.

The principles of co-creation, co-responsibility, and co-being provide a potentially useful ethical orientation for navigating this complexity. Co-creation acknowledges the emergent character of the encounter, co-responsibility recognises participant agency without eliminating professional accountability, and co-being allows participation without the requirement to demonstrate predetermined emotional outcomes. However, these principles should be distinguished from experimentally established mechanisms of therapeutic benefit.

A more mature understanding of Shinrin-Yoku therefore requires moving beyond a binary interpretation in which an experience either produces restoration or constitutes failure. Therapeutic effectiveness, subjective experience, personal meaning, ethical process, environmental suitability, and ecological relationship are distinct but interacting dimensions of the encounter. Their relationships should be investigated rather than assumed.

11.17. Conclusion: Recognising the Full Spectrum of Human–Nature Experience

The increasing body of research concerning the health-promoting potential of forests provides important grounds for continued scientific investigation and the responsible development of nature-based interventions. Nevertheless, evidence of potential benefit should not be interpreted as demonstrating universal restoration. Natural environments are complex ecological systems, and human responses to them are shaped by physical, psychological, social, cultural, and contextual conditions that vary across individuals and encounters.

A forest may evoke calm in one participant and uncertainty in another. The same environment may support reflection on one occasion and produce discomfort on another. Sensory engagement may facilitate enjoyment, but may also create distress or overstimulation. Group participation may contribute to belonging while simultaneously generating social pressure or self-consciousness. These variations are not merely exceptions to an otherwise uniform therapeutic relationship; they are essential characteristics of the human–nature experience that scientific research and professional practice must acknowledge.

Recognising such differences also requires resisting the tendency to reinterpret every response as beneficial. The absence of relaxation does not automatically represent inadequate participation, and emotional discomfort does not establish that healing has occurred. An individual may decline an invitation without demonstrating resistance, prefer another natural environment without possessing a weaker relationship with nature, or discontinue an experience because the conditions are unsuitable. These responses deserve consideration without unnecessary judgement or imposed interpretation.

Professional guides can prepare appropriate environments, assess foreseeable risks, design meaningful opportunities for engagement, communicate expectations, and adapt activities to changing circumstances. They cannot guarantee emotional relief, psychological transformation, physiological improvement, or increased nature connectedness for every participant. This limitation does not diminish the relevance of guiding; rather, it clarifies the boundaries of professional responsibility.

The ethical significance of forest-based practice may therefore lie partly in its capacity to accommodate uncertainty and individual differences. Responsible facilitation requires both confidence in professional preparation and humility concerning what cannot be predicted or controlled. It requires recognising when to encourage participation, when to offer an alternative, when to respect silence, and when to modify or discontinue the planned activity.

Ultimately, the therapeutic potential of nature does not depend upon the claim that nature is always therapeutic. On the contrary, acknowledging the conditions under which restoration may not occur allows its potential contributions to human well-being to be investigated more precisely and communicated more responsibly.

The central question is therefore not whether forests heal everyone, but how different individuals experience different natural environments under different circumstances, and which forms of engagement may support well-being without disregarding autonomy, ecological complexity, or professional limitations.

A scientifically credible and ethically responsible understanding of Shinrin-Yoku must allow beneficial experiences to be recognised, difficult experiences to be taken seriously, and outcomes to remain open to investigation. The forest does not promise restoration; rather, human beings enter it with expectations, histories, vulnerabilities, preferences, and possibilities that shape the encounter.

When nature does not feel therapeutic, the first professional response should not be to question the participant’s capacity to benefit from the experience. It should be to understand the circumstances of that experience, consider its implications, and listen.

References

Andrade, A. M., Durães, S. F., Franco Netto, L. C. R., Fenner, A. L. D., Carvalho, M. A. B., & Franco Netto, G. (2026). Short-term cardiovascular and mental health responses to Shinrin-Yoku (forest bathing): A systematic review and meta-analysis. Frontiers in Psychology, 17, Article 1707829. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2026.1707829

Berdejo-Espinola, V., Fuller, R. A., & Zahnow, R. (2024). Well-being from nature exposure depends on socio-environmental contexts in Paraguay. Nature Cities, 1, 335–345. https://doi.org/10.1038/s44284-024-00058-0

Bixler, R. D., & Floyd, M. F. (1997). Nature is scary, disgusting, and uncomfortable. Environment and Behavior, 29(4), 443–467. https://doi.org/10.1177/001391659702900401

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. (2024, August 28). Preventing tick bites. https://www.cdc.gov/ticks/prevention/

Farias, M., Maraldi, E., Wallenkampf, K. C., & Lucchetti, G. (2020). Adverse events in meditation practices and meditation-based therapies: A systematic review. Acta Psychiatrica Scandinavica, 142(5), 374–393. https://doi.org/10.1111/acps.13225

Gatersleben, B., & Andrews, M. (2013). When walking in nature is not restorative—The role of prospect and refuge. Health & Place, 20, 91–101. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.healthplace.2013.01.001

Guziak, M. A. (2023). Scaffolded model of engagement for facilitating guided forest therapy sessions. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI120230518en5

Guziak, M. A. (2026a). Spending time in the forest: Modalities of engagement, connection, and care. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI3202602-EN-2

Guziak, M. A. (2026b). Why we need forest therapy guides. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI3202601en

Herzog, T. R., & Rector, A. E. (2009). Perceived danger and judged likelihood of restoration. Environment and Behavior, 41(3), 387–401. https://doi.org/10.1177/0013916508315351

Qin, G., Yang, J., Liu, F., Zhang, Z., & Pan, C. (2026). Forest therapy for psychological stress and emotional disorders: A systematic review and meta-analysis. BMC Public Health, 26, Article 1736. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-026-27255-x

Skivington, K., Matthews, L., Simpson, S. A., Craig, P., Baird, J., Blazeby, J. M., Boyd, K. A., Craig, N., French, D. P., McIntosh, E., Petticrew, M., Rycroft-Malone, J., White, M., & Moore, L. (2021). A new framework for developing and evaluating complex interventions: Update of Medical Research Council guidance. BMJ, 374, Article n2061. https://doi.org/10.1136/bmj.n2061

Song, D., Kim, S., Park, M., Kim, C., Song, C., & Kim, G. (2025). Thermal conditions modulate urban forest therapy outcomes: A meta-analytic review. Scientific Reports, 15, Article 39222. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-025-24331-x

Staats, H., & Hartig, T. (2004). Alone or with a friend: A social context for psychological restoration and environmental preferences. Journal of Environmental Psychology, 24(2), 199–211. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jenvp.2003.12.005

Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration. (2014). SAMHSA’s concept of trauma and guidance for a trauma-informed approach (HHS Publication No. SMA 14-4884). https://library.samhsa.gov/sites/default/files/sma14-4884.pdf

U.S. Environmental Protection Agency. (2025). Strategies to reduce exposure outdoors. https://www.epa.gov/wildfire-smoke-course/strategies-reduce-exposure-outdoors

Section 12 · Interactive Research Summary

What Are We Selling When We Sell Forest Therapy?

Commercialisation, professional identity, therapeutic claims, and the boundaries of professional authority in Shinrin-Yoku, forest bathing, and forest therapy.

Can we recognise the economic value of guiding without claiming ownership of nature's therapeutic possibilities?
Professional value Scientific evidence Participant autonomy Environmental responsibility
01 · Understanding the experience

Three interacting sources of experience

Professional forest-based experiences involve environmental, facilitative, and personal contributions. Their interactions may influence an outcome, but they do not have identical origins or meanings.

01 · ENVIRONMENT

What nature contributes

Environmental sounds, vegetation, light, atmospheric conditions, biodiversity, and opportunities for sensory contact. These features are not created by the guide.

02 · FACILITATION

What the guide contributes

Knowledge, preparation, risk management, accessibility, invitations, ethical communication, environmental interpretation, and the organisation of shared experiences.

03 · PARTICIPANT

What the individual experiences

Perception, emotional responses, reflection, personal meaning, learning, social connection, or restoration, influenced by individual and contextual factors.

Central distinction: A guide may influence the conditions in which an experience occurs without being the exclusive cause of its psychological or physiological effects.
02 · Dimensions of value

What might a participant actually be paying for?

A commercial forest-based programme can offer several kinds of value. These dimensions may overlap, but none guarantees a particular therapeutic outcome.

01 / 06

Environmental

Opportunities to encounter particular landscapes and environmental conditions. Access itself may also involve transport, permissions, or entry arrangements.

02 / 06

Professional

Skilled preparation, guidance, session design, risk assessment, ethical judgement, and adaptation to participant needs.

03 / 06

Social and relational

Opportunities for shared observation, companionship, facilitated reflection, and interpersonal connection.

04 / 06

Educational

Environmental knowledge, new ways of attending, practical skills, growing confidence, and potential independent practice.

05 / 06

Organisational

Planning, transport, accommodation, equipment, administrative coordination, and arrangements supporting participation.

06 / 06

Experiential

Personal meaning, enjoyment, emotional response, perceived restoration, and satisfaction. These remain variable and cannot be guaranteed.

03 · Economic and ethical boundaries

What can be offered — and what cannot be promised?

Legitimate professional contributions

  • Professional time and preparation
  • Knowledge and specialist competence
  • Risk assessment and ethical responsibility
  • Guided learning and environmental interpretation
  • Group facilitation and participant support
  • Accessible and appropriately organised activities

Claims requiring caution or evidence

  • Guaranteed psychological healing
  • Guaranteed physiological improvement
  • Universal superiority over unguided engagement
  • Clinical authority implied by certification alone
  • Exclusive ownership of meaningful nature contact
  • The necessity of ongoing paid participation
04 · Research perspective

Does professional guidance necessarily produce better outcomes?

Studies comparing guided and unguided nature immersion offer important evidence, but the findings must be interpreted in relation to study design, sample size, participants, intervention characteristics, and measured outcomes.

2020 · Lim et al.

Nature immersion and guidance

The study found improvements in selected measures of mood and nature connectedness, without statistically significant differences between guided and unguided conditions on the assessed changes.

View research ↗
2021 · Kim & Shin

Differences in reported experience

Guided and self-guided programmes were associated with differing patterns of reported experience, including introspection, emotional change, and social interaction.

View research ↗
2026 · Zhang et al.

Guided and unguided forest bathing

This pilot study found favourable short-term emotional responses to forest exposure without demonstrating significant additional emotional benefits from guidance. Larger studies are needed.

View research ↗

What can be concluded? Professional guidance may influence experience, learning, social interaction, and other outcomes. The available comparative studies do not establish universal guide superiority.

What cannot be concluded? A non-significant group difference is not proof that guidance has no effect or that guided and unguided approaches are equivalent.

05 · Explore the ethical questions

Six tensions shaping the profession

Select each question to examine the different responsibilities involved in commercial forest-based practice.

01. Does certification establish therapeutic authority?

Certification may recognise completion of defined educational and competency requirements. It should not automatically be interpreted as clinical licensure or evidence that a particular intervention produces superior therapeutic outcomes.

Professional organisations should communicate the scope of their qualifications, the competencies assessed, and the boundaries of professional responsibility.

Key question: What can this practitioner demonstrably do, and what authority does the qualification actually confer?
02. Can therapeutic language become a marketing tool?

Terms such as forest therapy and forest healing may influence expectations concerning health, expertise, and effectiveness. Their use does not independently validate a programme.

Research findings should be applied only to claims that they can reasonably support. Personal testimonials, preliminary mechanisms, and clinical evidence should be distinguished.

Key question: Does promotional language communicate established evidence, or create expectations beyond it?
03. Should successful guidance lead to independence?

Guided experiences may help participants develop environmental familiarity, confidence, practical knowledge, and self-directed engagement. Such development may reduce their need for professional support.

Continued participation may also be freely chosen and valuable, particularly for social enjoyment or accessibility. Autonomy means informed choice, not the rejection of guidance.

Key question: Could a participant becoming more independent represent professional success rather than a lost customer?
04. Does commercialisation improve or restrict access?

Guided services may reduce barriers through orientation, accessible routes, organised transport, and supportive group participation. They may also introduce costs that exclude individuals with fewer resources.

Equitable provision should recognise both the need for affordable participation and the legitimacy of fair compensation for professional labour.

Key question: Is the service genuinely removing a barrier to nature engagement, or unintentionally creating a new one?
05. Is forest-based wellness automatically sustainable?

Forest-based activities may support environmental awareness, but increased visitation can also contribute to ecological pressure, transport emissions, erosion, or wildlife disturbance.

Sustainable and regenerative claims should be supported by actual environmental practices and outcomes. The forest is a living ecosystem, not merely a therapeutic resource.

Key question: How does the professional activity contribute to protecting the environment on which it depends?
06. Who defines professional legitimacy?

Training organisations, associations, and commercial providers may develop valuable standards. However, they may also benefit financially from claims that their particular methods or certifications are essential.

Transparency, institutional self-reflection, evidence-informed communication, and mechanisms for accountability are therefore important. Historical Japanese origins should also be distinguished from contemporary professional adaptations.

Key question: Is authority supported by demonstrable competencies and evidence, or primarily by professional branding and terminology?
06 · Proposed framework

Nine principles of responsible commercial practice

These principles synthesise the section's ethical argument. They are a conceptual proposal, not a validated assessment scale.

01 / 09

Service transparency

Explain what the programme provides, including its activities and purpose.

02 / 09

Evidence-informed claims

Communicate potential benefits proportionately and acknowledge uncertainty.

03 / 09

Defined competence

Distinguish professional certification from healthcare licensure and clinical authority.

04 / 09

Participant autonomy

Respect choice and support opportunities for independent nature engagement.

05 / 09

Equitable access

Consider financial, physical, geographical, and social barriers.

06 / 09

Fair remuneration

Recognise the professional labour involved in responsible guiding.

07 / 09

Ecological responsibility

Protect the ecological integrity of the environments used.

08 / 09

Cultural integrity

Distinguish the Japanese history of Shinrin-Yoku from modern adaptations.

09 / 09

Institutional accountability

Manage conflicts of interest and maintain transparent professional standards.

Conceptual synthesis based on Section 12. The principles require further operational definition and evaluation before application as a formal assessment instrument.

Section 12 · Central conclusion

Professionalising nature engagement should expand possibilities, not establish exclusive ownership of the experience.

A guide can provide education, preparation, environmental knowledge, ethical facilitation, and opportunities for social and personal exploration. These are meaningful contributions that may legitimately be offered as professional services.

Yet the restorative potential of forests, the human capacity for nature connectedness, and the personal meaning of an encounter do not belong exclusively to professional organisations or commercial programmes.

We may legitimately charge for the knowledge, preparation, judgement, and responsibility involved in guiding someone through a forest. We cannot claim ownership of what the forest means to that person.

The responsible development of forest therapy requires scientific humility, fair professional compensation, participant autonomy, cultural integrity, and respect for the living environments upon which the profession depends.

Based on Section 12 of "When Does Nature Become Therapy?" Conceptual and critical academic synthesis. Read the full article below for methodology, evidence, limitations, and references.

12. Commercialisation, Professional Identity, and the Market for Therapeutic Nature

The increasing international recognition of Shinrin-Yoku, forest bathing, and forest therapy has contributed to the emergence of a professional and commercial field encompassing guided experiences, educational programmes, professional certification, wellness retreats, health-oriented tourism, and nature-based interventions. These developments reflect a broader transformation in the social interpretation of nature engagement, whereby activities historically embedded in ordinary human experience are increasingly organised, institutionalised, and communicated through the language of health, well-being, and therapeutic practice.

The commercialisation of forest-based experiences raises questions that extend beyond the legitimacy of charging for professional services. It invites consideration of how therapeutic value is defined, how scientific evidence is translated into commercial claims, how professional authority is established, and whether the economic organisation of nature engagement influences participants’ perceptions of their own capacities to benefit from natural environments. These questions are particularly relevant because the environmental characteristics associated with potentially restorative experiences exist independently of the organisations and professionals offering forest-based services.

Forests are complex ecological systems whose atmospheric, biological, sensory, and spatial characteristics are not created through professional facilitation. Likewise, the human capacities for sensory perception, attention, reflection, emotional response, and the development of meaningful relationships with places do not originate exclusively within therapeutic programmes. Nevertheless, professional guidance may contribute substantially to the conditions under which an experience occurs, including through preparation, environmental interpretation, accessibility planning, risk management, interpersonal support, and the organisation of activities that participants might not otherwise undertake.

The distinction between environmental contribution and professional contribution is therefore fundamental to evaluating the legitimacy and limitations of commercial forest therapy. A professionally organised encounter may be valuable without necessarily producing superior therapeutic outcomes compared with independent nature engagement. Conversely, the availability of potentially beneficial nature experiences outside commercial services does not render professional knowledge, preparation, or facilitation economically or educationally insignificant.

This section examines commercialisation as a multidimensional process involving economic exchange, professionalisation, institutional authority, cultural interpretation, therapeutic expectations, social accessibility, and environmental responsibility. Drawing upon research in forest therapy, tourism, environmental psychology, and related fields, it considers how professional services can develop while maintaining scientifically defensible claims and respecting participants’ autonomy. The discussion also incorporates critical reflection on the responsibilities of organisations engaged in training, certification, and the commercial delivery of Shinrin-Yoku, including The Mindful Tourist and the Shinrin-Yoku Association.

The central question is not simply whether forest therapy should be commercialised, but rather what is legitimately being offered, what evidence supports its claimed value, and how commercial activity influences the relationship between people and natural environments.

12.1. From Everyday Nature Engagement to Professional Therapeutic Services

The contemporary professionalisation of Shinrin-Yoku can be understood as part of a broader historical process through which familiar activities acquire additional scientific, institutional, and economic meanings. Although human engagement with forests long predates modern therapeutic terminology, the introduction of Shinrin-Yoku by the Japanese Forestry Agency in 1982 established a recognisable framework for encouraging public engagement with forest environments. As discussed in Section 4, subsequent developments in physiological research, public health promotion, and regional initiatives contributed to the emergence of more formally organised forest therapy programmes.

The development of Japan’s forest therapy certification system in 2006 represented a significant stage in this institutional evolution. Through its certification of forest therapy locations and professional roles, the Forest Therapy Society established mechanisms for recognising environments and practitioners associated with organised forest-based health promotion. These developments connected the emerging scientific literature with opportunities for professional education, public engagement, tourism development, and local economic activity (Forest Therapy Society, n.d.).

This process illustrates how institutional recognition may alter the social meaning of an existing activity without necessarily altering the fundamental environmental processes through which the activity takes place. Scientific research may identify beneficial physiological or psychological responses associated with forest exposure, while professional organisations develop structured programmes intended to facilitate those experiences. Commercial services may subsequently emerge to provide particular forms of education, organisation, and support. Each stage introduces additional forms of value and authority, although these contributions should remain analytically distinguishable.

The sociological concept of medicalisation offers a useful, although not exhaustive, perspective on this development. Conrad (2007) describes medicalisation as a process through which aspects of human experience increasingly come to be defined and addressed through medical concepts and institutions. The contemporary expansion of therapeutic terminology into nature-based recreation may be interpreted as a related process of therapeutic framing, whereby activities not inherently medical in character become associated with health-oriented explanations, professional methods, and intervention frameworks. This application is conceptual rather than evidence that forest therapy necessarily medicalises every participant’s experience.

Such transformations may support beneficial developments, including improved understanding of the relationship between environmental conditions and health, greater public recognition of accessible restorative opportunities, and the creation of more structured services for individuals who desire professional support. At the same time, therapeutic framing may encourage an assumption that professional intervention is necessary for benefits that may also emerge during ordinary nature engagement.

Research by Park et al. (2010), examining physiological responses to forest environments across multiple Japanese locations, demonstrates that measurable responses can occur during relatively ordinary forms of forest exposure. Although such findings support the investigation of forest-related health benefits, they do not independently demonstrate the necessity or superior effectiveness of commercially organised guidance.

The professional history of forest therapy should therefore be understood not as the creation of therapeutic properties that were previously absent from forests, but as a transformation in how forest engagement is investigated, organised, interpreted, and socially valued.

12.2. What Is Being Purchased? Distinguishing Environmental, Professional, and Experiential Value

One of the central questions arising from commercial forest therapy concerns the nature of the exchange between the participant and the service provider. When an individual purchases a guided Shinrin-Yoku session, the transaction may involve several distinct forms of value that should not be treated as interchangeable.

The first concerns the environmental context itself. Forest vegetation, sounds, atmospheric conditions, seasonal changes, ecological relationships, and spatial characteristics may contribute to the participant’s experience. These features ordinarily exist independently of the professional service, although access to particular environments may be subject to ownership, entry fees, conservation regulations, or other restrictions.

The second concerns professional facilitation. A guide may contribute specialised knowledge, site familiarity, participant orientation, the design of invitations, ethical communication, safety preparation, accessibility arrangements, and opportunities for structured exploration. Such activities require professional time, competence, and practical resources, and may therefore constitute legitimate components of a commercial service.

The third concerns the experience as interpreted by the participant. Individuals may develop particular emotional responses, personal insights, social connections, or experiences of restoration. These outcomes emerge through interactions among environmental conditions, participant characteristics, prior expectations, social relationships, and the manner in which an encounter unfolds. They cannot be assumed to originate exclusively from either the environment or the guide.

A fourth dimension involves the broader organisational context, including transport, accommodation, food, equipment, insurance, administrative coordination, and other services that may form part of retreats or specialised programmes. These elements may increase convenience or accessibility while also contributing to the overall financial cost.

Table 12.1. Dimensions of value within commercial forest-based experiences

Dimension

Potential contribution

Principal limitation

Environmental value

Sensory qualities, ecological conditions, spatial experiences, opportunities for nature contact

Environmental benefits cannot automatically be attributed to professional facilitation

Professional value

Preparation, guidance, safety, adaptation, environmental interpretation, ethical responsibility

Professional competence does not guarantee therapeutic outcomes

Relational and social value

Group interaction, shared reflection, companionship, facilitated communication

Benefits depend on individual preferences, group dynamics, and context

Educational value

Development of knowledge, confidence, practical skills, and independent nature engagement

Learning outcomes require evaluation rather than assumption

Organisational value

Transport, logistics, accommodation, equipment, accessibility arrangements

Additional cost does not necessarily indicate greater therapeutic effectiveness

Experiential value

Personal meaning, emotional responses, perceived restoration, satisfaction

Subjective responses are variable and cannot be guaranteed

Note. The distinctions are conceptual and are proposed to clarify different sources of value. They do not imply that these dimensions operate independently or contribute equally to every experience.

The table highlights why the purchase of professional forest therapy should not be interpreted as the purchase of a predetermined therapeutic outcome. A participant may reasonably pay for a professionally organised experience, but improvements in psychological or physiological well-being remain contingent upon multiple interacting factors. Moreover, a participant’s perception of value may be influenced by aspects that are not primarily therapeutic, including companionship, enjoyment, learning, convenience, or cultural interest.

Commercial legitimacy is therefore strengthened when the provider communicates precisely which services are being delivered rather than suggesting that payment confers exclusive access to the restorative possibilities of nature.

12.3. The Legitimate Economic Value of Professional Guiding

A critical examination of commercialisation should recognise that the provision of professional guidance involves labour, responsibility, and financial expenditure. The fact that nature contact may occur independently does not eliminate the value of organised services, just as the possibility of exercising without an instructor does not render professional movement education inherently unnecessary.

Guided forest-based sessions commonly involve substantial preparation beyond the visible period of direct facilitation. Depending on the context, professional responsibilities may include selecting suitable locations, assessing environmental and participant-related risks, obtaining permissions, developing session protocols, communicating with participants, arranging accessibility accommodations, preparing alternative activities, and establishing appropriate responses to unexpected circumstances. Guides may also undertake continuing professional development, purchase equipment, maintain insurance, and meet administrative or regulatory obligations.

These activities constitute forms of professional labour for which fair compensation may be justified. Remuneration can contribute to the continuity of services, professional development, and the capacity to maintain appropriate standards. Furthermore, the development of guided forest-based programmes may create opportunities for local employment, environmental education, and community-oriented tourism.

Farkic et al. (2021), through a qualitative investigation of forest bathing as a mindful tourism practice, positioned Shinrin-Yoku within an experiential understanding of tourism that extends beyond conventional recreation. Their research demonstrates the relevance of embodied attention, immersive experience, and the meanings associated with forest engagement, although it should not be interpreted as establishing the clinical effectiveness of commercial forest bathing programmes.

The economic value of professional guiding may therefore extend beyond measurable therapeutic effects. A guided experience may be worthwhile because participants appreciate its organisation, educational content, social atmosphere, or accessibility. These dimensions should be acknowledged as legitimate outcomes without necessarily being described as clinical improvements.

However, fair remuneration should not depend upon presenting independent forest engagement as inadequate. Professional guidance and self-directed nature contact need not occupy competing positions within a hierarchy of value. Their appropriateness depends upon participants’ preferences, circumstances, and objectives.

12.4. Certification, Professional Identity, and the Boundaries of Competence

The expansion of commercial forest therapy has been accompanied by the development of educational institutions, certification programmes, professional associations, and specialised titles. Such systems can contribute to professional identity by establishing expectations concerning knowledge, ethical conduct, practical skills, and continuing development. Nevertheless, certification should be distinguished from scientific validation of an intervention and from legal authorisation to practise within a regulated healthcare profession.

Certification ordinarily indicates that an individual has fulfilled specified requirements within an educational or professional system. These requirements may include coursework, practical experience, risk assessment, observed facilitation, examinations, or continuing education. Their significance depends upon the transparency, relevance, and rigour of the standards applied. A qualification is therefore most informative when the competencies it represents are clearly identified.

Professional certification should not automatically be regarded as equivalent to statutory licensure. The United States Department of Education (n.d.), for example, distinguishes licensure as legal authorisation for a regulated profession from certification as recognition of competencies through a defined organisational process. Although regulatory arrangements vary internationally, the underlying distinction is relevant wherever professional titles may imply an authority that the qualification itself does not establish.

This issue is especially significant when programmes employ terms such as forest therapist, forest therapy practitioner, or certified forest therapy guide. Such titles may be appropriate within particular educational traditions, but they do not necessarily indicate qualification to diagnose mental disorders, deliver psychotherapy, prescribe treatment, or undertake other regulated healthcare activities.

Professionally responsible communication should therefore specify the scope and limitations of the qualification, including whether the practitioner is functioning primarily as a guide, educator, facilitator, healthcare professional, or another recognised role. Where an individual holds separate clinical qualifications, those qualifications should be distinguished from certification in forest-based practice.

Certification may demonstrate readiness to undertake specified professional responsibilities; it cannot, by itself, establish that the particular session or methodology will produce a clinically meaningful outcome.

Consequently, professional identity should be grounded in demonstrable competencies, transparent responsibilities, and appropriate ethical standards rather than the symbolic authority of terminology alone.

12.5. Professional Competence Is Not Equivalent to Demonstrated Intervention Effectiveness

An important methodological distinction concerns the difference between assessing a practitioner’s competence and evaluating the effectiveness of a forest-based intervention. Although these domains are related, they address different questions and require different forms of evidence.

Professional assessment may examine whether a guide can identify environmental risks, communicate appropriately, adapt activities, respect consent, facilitate groups, and recognise professional boundaries. Intervention research, by contrast, seeks to establish whether a particular approach produces specified outcomes and whether observed changes can reasonably be attributed to the intervention rather than competing explanations.

This distinction becomes particularly important when evidence concerning forest exposure is used to justify particular professional methodologies. The observation that participants experience reduced stress following forest contact does not establish that the same effects require trained facilitation. Similarly, evidence demonstrating improvement after a structured programme does not necessarily reveal which components of the programme contributed to that improvement.

Several comparative studies are relevant. Lim et al. (2020), examining guided and unguided nature immersion among 51 participants, reported improvements in aspects of mood and nature connectedness across conditions, without statistically significant between-group differences in the assessed changes. These findings suggest that the presence of a guide was not associated with demonstrably greater improvement on the selected measures in that study. Nevertheless, the relatively small sample, non-randomised allocation, variations in exposure duration, and the provision of suggested activities to unguided participants limit the generalisability and interpretation of the findings.

Kim and Shin (2021), in a study involving 37 undergraduate students, identified both similarities and differences in accounts of guided and self-guided forest therapy. Their analysis suggested that self-guided engagement was associated with greater emphasis on introspection, whereas guided participation generated more references to emotional change and social interaction. These findings are informative concerning the perceived character of the experiences but should not be interpreted as a definitive comparison of clinical effectiveness.

More recently, Zhang et al. (2026) conducted a pilot study involving 30 graduate students allocated to guided forest exposure, unguided forest exposure, or an urban outdoor comparison condition. Both forest conditions were associated with favourable short-term emotional responses, while the study did not identify statistically significant additional emotional benefits attributable to therapist guidance. However, the small sample, limited population, and short follow-up period prevent strong conclusions regarding equivalence between approaches or their longer-term effectiveness.

Taken together, these studies challenge the assumption that guided interventions are necessarily superior across all outcomes. They do not establish that guidance is ineffective. Rather, they indicate that the contribution of facilitation may depend upon the selected outcomes, participant characteristics, programme structure, and methods of evaluation.

The methodological guidance for complex interventions developed by Skivington et al. (2021) is relevant because forest-based programmes typically involve interacting environmental, behavioural, interpersonal, and contextual components. Evaluating such interventions requires attention not only to whether change occurs but also to the mechanisms, implementation conditions, and contexts through which change may emerge.

The scientific legitimacy of professional guiding therefore depends partly upon distinguishing the existence of potentially beneficial forest environments from the additional contribution of a particular facilitation approach.

12.6. The Professionalisation of Ordinary Human Capacities

The development of specialised methods for nature engagement raises a broader philosophical question concerning the relationship between professional knowledge and capacities already available within ordinary human experience.

Sensory perception, attention, contemplation, movement, emotional expression, and the development of relationships with places are not capacities created by forest therapy. Human beings can attend to natural sounds, observe changes in vegetation, reflect upon personal concerns, and experience meaningful encounters with landscapes without prior professional instruction.

Nevertheless, professional guidance may influence how such capacities are exercised. A carefully designed invitation may direct attention toward aspects of an environment that would otherwise remain unnoticed. A facilitated period of silence may support participants who find unstructured engagement difficult. Group reflection may provide opportunities to articulate experiences that would otherwise remain private.

The contribution of the professional is therefore better understood as potentially supporting, organising, or modifying existing capacities rather than producing them.

The distinction is particularly important when commercial language suggests that participants require expert intervention to experience nature correctly or meaningfully. Such representations may unintentionally encourage a perceived inadequacy in ordinary nature engagement.

This possibility does not imply that all participants can engage with every environment independently or that professional support is unnecessary. Individuals differ in familiarity, physical ability, confidence, psychological circumstances, cultural background, and preferences. For some, facilitation may remove genuine barriers; for others, it may offer a preferred form of engagement rather than an essential condition.

Accordingly, the educational purpose of professional guiding may be strengthened when participants are encouraged to recognise their existing capacities alongside acquiring new knowledge or skills.

Professional guidance can contribute to the development of an experience without becoming a prerequisite for the experience’s possibility.

12.7. Therapeutic Language, Marketing, and the Interpretation of Scientific Evidence

Therapeutic terminology carries social and institutional associations that may influence the perception of forest-based services. Expressions such as forest therapy, forest healing, and therapeutic nature experience may suggest particular forms of professional expertise, scientific legitimacy, or anticipated psychological and physiological outcomes.

Although such terminology may be appropriate in defined contexts, its use does not independently establish clinical effectiveness. A distinction is therefore necessary between the intended purpose of an intervention, the outcomes observed in empirical research, and the benefits promised through commercial communication.

Marketing materials may refer to reductions in cortisol, changes in autonomic nervous system activity, improvements in mood, or alterations in immune-related indicators associated with forest exposure. However, the interpretation of such findings depends upon study design, sample characteristics, intervention duration, comparison conditions, and the clinical significance of the measures used.

For example, physiological findings concerning immune-related indicators after particular forest exposure protocols should not be generalised into claims that forest therapy prevents or treats cancer. Likewise, short-term improvements in self-reported mood should not automatically be presented as evidence of lasting psychological recovery or the effectiveness of a specific commercial method.

The existence of plausible explanatory mechanisms does not eliminate the need for intervention-specific evidence. Nor does the use of the word therapy establish that a programme constitutes healthcare treatment.

Participant testimonials present another challenge. Personal accounts may provide valuable information about lived experience, perceived meaning, and satisfaction. However, they cannot independently establish causality, determine how representative an experience is, or demonstrate that an intervention will produce comparable outcomes in other populations.

Ethical communication therefore requires the differentiation of established findings, preliminary evidence, theoretical explanations, professional observations, and individual interpretations.

The credibility of forest therapy as an emerging professional field may depend less upon the strength of its promotional language than upon its capacity to communicate both evidence and uncertainty accurately.

12.8. Wellness Tourism and the Commodification of Mindful Experience

The international expansion of forest bathing has occurred alongside growing interest in wellness-oriented travel and experiential tourism. Within this context, forests are increasingly presented as destinations for restoration, mindfulness, digital disconnection, and personal transformation.

Farkic et al. (2021) identified the potential of forest bathing to contribute to immersive and reflective tourism experiences. Their qualitative research emphasised the experiential dimensions of Shinrin-Yoku and offered an understanding of mindful tourism extending beyond recreational consumption.

However, the commercial presentation of such experiences may introduce tensions between their stated objectives and the economic processes through which they are delivered.

Sezerel et al. (2026) examined the commodification of mindfulness within tourism through the concept of the mindfulness gaze. Drawing upon theories of mimetic desire, they proposed that consumer interest in mindfulness-related experiences may be shaped by promotional imagery, social influence, cultural expectations, and perceived prestige. Their contribution is principally conceptual and should not be interpreted as experimental evidence that all wellness travellers are motivated by social imitation.

Nevertheless, this perspective is relevant to forest therapy because the visual representation of commercially organised nature experiences may influence what participants consider authentic, desirable, or therapeutically valuable.

Promotional materials often emphasise aesthetically distinctive forests, carefully arranged activities, exclusive retreats, or culturally recognisable symbols. Such representations may successfully encourage interest in nature-based experiences, yet they may also contribute to an impression that meaningful engagement requires particular environments, equipment, travel arrangements, or professional supervision.

A distant forest retreat may consequently be perceived as more restorative or authentic than an ordinary visit to a familiar public park, even when evidence does not establish such a hierarchy. The symbolic value of a marketed experience may therefore become intertwined with its perceived therapeutic value.

This phenomenon warrants investigation because commercialisation can influence not only which services individuals purchase, but also how they evaluate the adequacy of their everyday relationships with nature.

12.9. Japanese Cultural Origins, Authenticity, and International Adaptation

The international dissemination of Shinrin-Yoku introduces additional questions concerning cultural interpretation, professional authority, and the representation of historical origins.

Shinrin-Yoku emerged as a recognisable modern concept within Japanese forestry, public health, and social contexts. Its subsequent international development has involved adaptations informed by environmental psychology, mindfulness education, contemplative practices, counselling traditions, and different approaches to facilitating nature connectedness.

Such adaptation is not inherently inappropriate. Educational practices frequently evolve as they move between geographical, cultural, and institutional contexts. However, historical origin and contemporary methodological development should remain clearly distinguished.

The use of Japanese terminology, imagery, or cultural references may contribute to a programme’s perceived authenticity. Nevertheless, the inclusion of Japanese language does not demonstrate that a contemporary guiding protocol originated in Japan, nor does cultural association establish scientific validation.

A responsible approach requires recognition of the historical development of Shinrin-Yoku alongside transparent acknowledgement of subsequent educational innovations. This distinction is particularly relevant when organisations develop proprietary models or integrate approaches drawn from multiple disciplines.

The TMT® Scaffolded Model of Engagement, for example, represents a contemporary framework for organising professionally facilitated experiences, informed by educational and experiential considerations (Guziak, 2023). It should not be described as an ancient Japanese practice, and its existence as a named educational model should not be conflated with experimental demonstration of superior therapeutic effectiveness.

Cultural integrity therefore involves more than accurately reproducing terminology. It requires an awareness of which concepts originate within particular traditions, which components represent later professional adaptations, and how those distinctions are communicated.

Recognising the international development of Shinrin-Yoku need not diminish its Japanese origins. Instead, historical clarity can support more responsible innovation and prevent cultural symbolism from functioning as an unexamined source of commercial authority.

12.10. Participant Autonomy, Repeat Participation, and Professional Dependence

Commercial services frequently evaluate sustainability through revenue, participant numbers, customer satisfaction, and repeat bookings. These indicators are relevant to business management, but they should not be regarded as direct measures of therapeutic effectiveness or participant development.

A participant may repeatedly attend guided Shinrin-Yoku sessions because they appreciate the social environment, educational content, accessibility, or personal significance of the experience. Continued participation may represent a positive and freely chosen relationship with a professional service.

However, repeat bookings may also be encouraged through marketing that implies ongoing professional intervention is necessary for maintaining psychological well-being. The distinction between voluntary participation and dependence created through exaggerated claims is ethically significant.

For programmes that include nature connectedness, education, or independent engagement among their objectives, growing participant autonomy may represent an important outcome.

A person unfamiliar with forests may initially benefit from professional orientation, assistance with choosing suitable locations, or invitations that support exploration. Through repeated experiences, the individual may develop greater confidence, become familiar with local environments, and begin undertaking similar activities independently.

This possibility is consistent with the educational orientation of the TMT® Scaffolded Model of Engagement, which incorporates progressively greater opportunities for participant freedom (Guziak, 2023). It is also compatible with the understanding of professional guiding explored in Why We Need Forest Therapy Guides (Guziak, 2026b), in which guidance may support the development of meaningful nature engagement without becoming its exclusive source.

Nevertheless, the assumption that every participant should eventually discontinue guided experiences would be equally problematic. Some individuals may consistently prefer social participation or require ongoing assistance because of accessibility needs, personal circumstances, or other factors. Autonomy does not necessarily mean isolation or the rejection of professional support.

A more appropriate measure of success may be whether individuals are able to make informed choices concerning their engagement, rather than whether they continue or discontinue purchasing services.

The possibility that successful guidance reduces the participant’s need for further intervention reveals an important tension between educational objectives and commercial incentives.

A guide may contribute substantial professional value when a participant develops the confidence and capacity to continue meaningful nature engagement independently.

12.11. Access to Nature, Socioeconomic Inequality, and the Limits of Commercial Provision

Commercial forest therapy exists within broader patterns of unequal access to natural environments. Opportunities for nature contact are influenced by geographical location, socioeconomic circumstances, mobility, available time, transport infrastructure, environmental quality, perceived safety, and cultural expectations.

Consequently, the physical presence of a forest or green space does not guarantee equitable access to the experiences it may support.

Wolch et al. (2014), examining relationships among urban green space, public health, and environmental justice, highlighted inequalities associated with the distribution of environmental resources. Their analysis also considered the possibility that environmental improvements may contribute to rising property values and displacement, demonstrating how initiatives intended to support well-being can interact with existing socioeconomic inequalities.

Although these processes cannot automatically be transferred to every forest therapy destination, they illustrate the importance of considering the social conditions under which environmental benefits become available.

Privately organised forest retreats may provide valuable opportunities for individuals who possess the necessary financial resources. However, participation fees, transport, accommodation, time away from employment, and other expenses may exclude those unable to meet these requirements.

Importantly, accessibility cannot be evaluated solely through the price of participation. A low-cost programme may remain inaccessible because of unsuitable transport, inaccessible terrain, scheduling constraints, communication barriers, or insufficient support for participants with particular needs.

The distinction between selling access and improving access is therefore significant.

Professional guidance may improve access when it reduces barriers that participants would otherwise encounter. Examples include introducing unfamiliar environments, identifying suitable routes, organising transport, or creating socially supportive opportunities for individuals who may not feel comfortable exploring independently.

Conversely, commercial presentation may create perceived barriers when it suggests that professional supervision or participation in a paid programme is necessary for legitimate or meaningful nature contact.

Where public access to natural environments is permitted, the existence of a commercial programme should not imply that ordinary visitors require professional authorisation to engage with those places. However, access rights and environmental restrictions vary among jurisdictions, and not all forests are publicly accessible.

Equitable development therefore requires attention both to the genuine accessibility improvements that professional services may provide and to the potential exclusionary consequences of commercial models.

12.12. Noncommercial Provision, Green Social Prescribing, and Fair Compensation

The professional organisation of nature-based experiences need not be limited to privately purchased services. Public institutions, community organisations, educational programmes, charitable initiatives, and healthcare-related referral systems may also create opportunities for structured engagement with natural environments.

Green social prescribing provides an example of an approach through which individuals may be connected with activities such as walking groups, community gardening, conservation volunteering, and other forms of outdoor participation. NHS England (n.d.) describes green social prescribing within wider personalised care and community support arrangements.

Such programmes illustrate the potential for collaboration among healthcare organisations, community groups, and environmental service providers. However, the existence of referral systems does not establish that all associated activities are clinically effective, equally accessible, or financially sustainable. Appropriate evaluation remains necessary.

The development of noncommercial and publicly supported alternatives should also avoid the assumption that professional guiding ought to be performed without remuneration.

Expectations of unpaid professional labour may disadvantage practitioners who depend upon their services for income. Individuals with independent financial resources may be better positioned to provide extensive volunteering, potentially creating unequal opportunities within the professional field.

Equitable provision therefore requires consideration of both participant affordability and practitioner sustainability.

Possible arrangements include institutional partnerships, subsidised sessions, community-funded programmes, scholarships, sliding-scale fees, and publicly accessible educational resources. The suitability of these approaches will depend upon local resources, institutional structures, and the needs of participating communities.

Commercial and noncommercial services need not be understood as mutually exclusive. A diverse field may accommodate premium retreats, professionally facilitated community programmes, public nature education, and independent engagement, provided their respective purposes and limitations are communicated accurately.

The central issue is not whether payment occurs, but whether the organisation of services unnecessarily restricts access to experiences that could be supported through more inclusive arrangements.

12.13. Ecological Responsibility and the Limits of Nature as a Therapeutic Resource

The commercial development of forest therapy introduces environmental responsibilities extending beyond the well-being of participants. Forest-based services depend upon ecological systems whose functioning, biodiversity, and long-term integrity cannot be reduced to their capacity to produce desirable human experiences.

Nature-based tourism may support local employment, environmental education, and conservation awareness. However, increased visitation can also contribute to ecological pressures, including trail erosion, disturbance of wildlife, waste generation, resource consumption, and transport-related emissions. The significance of these effects depends upon the scale, frequency, location, and management of activities.

It follows that conducting a wellness programme in a forest does not automatically make the activity environmentally sustainable.

Similarly, the description of a retreat as regenerative should be distinguished from evidence that it produces measurable ecological improvements. Conservation intentions, environmental education, and increased nature connectedness are potentially valuable, but their existence does not establish positive ecological outcomes.

A further concern arises when forests are represented primarily through their usefulness for human health. Trees become associated with stress reduction, forest air with physiological responses, and landscapes with personal transformation. Although such associations may increase interest in environmental protection, they can also promote an instrumental interpretation in which ecosystems are valued principally according to the services they provide to visitors.

Forests possess ecological significance independently of their therapeutic or commercial relevance. Their organisms, interactions, and evolutionary processes are not reducible to the immediate objectives of human participants.

The principle of co-being, incorporated within the ethical orientation of The Mindful Tourist and Shinrin-Yoku Association, provides one possible framework for considering this relationship. Co-being encourages recognition of shared existence and presence without requiring that every encounter be organised around an instrumental objective.

Applied to forest-based professional practice, this orientation invites consideration of whether activities respect the ecological conditions upon which they depend. It does not establish that guided experiences automatically generate environmentally responsible behaviour, but it offers a basis for evaluating the relationship between human well-being and ecological care.

A responsible commercial model may therefore incorporate appropriate group sizes, site-specific conservation measures, collaboration with local communities, environmental education, and support for ecological stewardship. These measures should be selected according to local circumstances and evaluated through observable practices and outcomes.

The commercial value derived from forests creates a corresponding responsibility to consider the consequences of professional activity for the environments that make such services possible.

12.14. Institutional Interests, Professional Competition, and the Construction of Authority

The commercial expansion of forest therapy has created professional organisations involved in education, certification, research communication, membership administration, and the promotion of guided experiences. These activities may support the development of coherent educational standards and professional communities. Nevertheless, their coexistence can create potential conflicts between commercial interests and claims concerning professional necessity or effectiveness.

An organisation providing paid certification may benefit economically from encouraging the perception that professional qualifications are essential for all meaningful forest engagement. Similarly, a provider offering guided services may have incentives to emphasise the advantages of professional facilitation, while an institution developing a distinctive methodology may seek to establish its superiority over alternative approaches.

These incentives do not demonstrate that particular organisations necessarily communicate misleading information. Rather, they identify circumstances in which critical reflection and transparency are especially important.

Professional competition may encourage educational innovation, improved safety standards, and more inclusive programme development. However, it may also contribute to distinctions based primarily upon terminology, branding, or proprietary methods rather than substantive differences in competence or intervention characteristics.

The variable international use of the expressions Shinrin-Yoku, forest bathing, and forest therapy, discussed in earlier sections of this article, provides an example. In some contexts, these terms are used to indicate different levels of structure or professional involvement. Elsewhere, they describe substantially overlapping practices whose terminology reflects historical development, language translation, or institutional preference.

Professional distinctions should therefore be justified through demonstrable differences in educational requirements, practitioner competencies, intervention characteristics, and applicable regulatory arrangements rather than assuming that terminology alone establishes separate forms of therapeutic effectiveness.

This principle also applies to intellectual ownership. Professional organisations may legitimately develop original educational frameworks, teaching materials, and methods of facilitation. However, such contributions should be distinguished from claims of ownership over fundamental human capacities or universally available relationships with natural environments.

A proprietary methodology may organise practices into a coherent educational system without granting exclusive authority over sensory perception, contemplation, reflection, or the possibility of nature connectedness.

Such distinctions encourage constructive professional diversity while reducing the risk that commercial competition generates artificial boundaries around shared forms of human experience.

12.15. Institutional Self-Reflection and Professional Accountability

A critical discussion of commercialisation requires acknowledgement that the questions raised throughout this section also apply to the organisations and professional frameworks associated with the present author.

As the founder of The Mindful Tourist and the Shinrin-Yoku Association, I recognise that participation in the education, certification, and professional development of forest-based practitioners creates responsibilities concerning the communication of expertise, the representation of scientific evidence, and the distinction between educational value and demonstrated therapeutic effectiveness.

The development of a professional framework may represent a meaningful contribution to practice, particularly when it supports ethical decision-making, risk assessment, accessibility, and responsive facilitation. Nevertheless, the existence of such a framework does not establish that alternative approaches are ineffective or that meaningful nature engagement requires participation in the organisation’s educational system.

Similarly, the establishment of professional qualifications should not imply exclusive authority over human relationships with forests. Certification can recognise competence within a defined educational framework while acknowledging the legitimacy of independent and differently organised forms of engagement.

The Shinrin-Yoku Association’s Code of Conduct and Guidelines (Shinrin Yoku Association, n.d.) emphasises professional responsibility, participant safety, inclusivity, continuing education, integrity, and respect for natural environments. These principles provide a framework for guiding professional behaviour, although the existence of a code should not be treated as proof that every practitioner consistently meets its requirements.

Institutional responsibility requires implementation, critical review, and appropriate mechanisms for accountability. Ethical standards acquire practical significance through the manner in which they inform education, assessment, professional decisions, and responses to concerns.

A further responsibility concerns transparency regarding potential conflicts of interest. The interpretation of scientific literature, the development of professional qualifications, and the promotion of paid services should remain open to critical examination, including when such examination challenges the assumptions upon which a professional organisation has developed.

This reflexive position does not diminish the value of professional education. Rather, it situates educational institutions within the same ethical and evidential standards that they seek to establish for practitioners.

12.16. Toward an Ethical and Evidence-Informed Commercial Model

The preceding discussion suggests that the responsible commercial development of forest therapy requires a framework capable of distinguishing professional contributions from environmental processes, supporting economic sustainability without exaggerating therapeutic claims, and preserving the autonomy of participants.

Such a framework should recognise that guided experiences are complex activities whose value may arise through environmental, social, educational, organisational, and experiential dimensions. These dimensions can interact without being reducible to a single measure of clinical effectiveness.

Professional services should therefore be communicated according to the activities provided, the qualifications of the practitioner, the intended purpose of the programme, and the limitations of the available evidence. Participants should receive sufficient information to understand whether an activity is primarily educational, recreational, contemplative, supportive, or part of a separately regulated healthcare intervention.

The principles proposed in Table 12.2 provide a preliminary ethical framework for evaluating commercial forest-based services.

Table 12.2. Proposed principles for responsible commercial forest therapy

Principle

Ethical or professional implication

Possible evaluation criterion

Transparency of services

Clearly distinguish professional facilitation from environmental exposure and participant outcomes

Accuracy of programme descriptions and informed consent

Evidence-informed communication

Avoid unsupported guarantees and disproportionate therapeutic claims

Relationship between promotional claims and relevant research

Defined professional competence

Represent certification and professional boundaries accurately

Training requirements, competency assessment, scope-of-practice documentation

Participant autonomy

Support informed choice, voluntary engagement, and opportunities for independence

Participant feedback, confidence, self-directed engagement

Equity and accessibility

Consider financial, geographical, physical, and social barriers

Participation costs, accessibility arrangements, population reach

Fair remuneration

Recognise preparation, expertise, responsibility, and professional labour

Transparent pricing, sustainable working conditions

Ecological responsibility

Protect the environments upon which services depend

Site assessments, visitor impacts, conservation practices

Cultural integrity

Distinguish historical traditions from contemporary professional adaptations

Accuracy of cultural and historical representation

Organisational accountability

Manage conflicts of interest and review professional standards

Transparent policies, review procedures, complaint mechanisms

Note. This table presents a conceptual and normative proposal rather than an empirically validated assessment instrument. Individual indicators would require further operational definition and testing before use in formal evaluation.

The proposed framework does not establish a single appropriate commercial model for all contexts. Forest-based services operate within different regulatory systems, environmental conditions, cultural settings, and economic circumstances. Accordingly, implementation should be responsive to local needs and professional responsibilities.

Nevertheless, the framework identifies a general principle: the legitimacy of commercial forest therapy is strengthened when economic exchange is grounded in identifiable professional contributions rather than unsupported claims of exclusive therapeutic authority.

12.17. Future Research: Evaluating Professional Value, Accessibility, and Long-Term Outcomes

The growing professionalisation of forest therapy creates opportunities for research that extends beyond determining whether exposure to natural environments is associated with improvements in selected health-related indicators.

One priority concerns the incremental contribution of professional guidance. Comparative studies should distinguish the effects of environmental exposure from those associated with structured activities, group participation, practitioner interaction, and participants’ expectations. Where possible, researchers should employ appropriately designed comparison conditions, adequate sample sizes, transparent intervention descriptions, and follow-up measurements.

Such research should avoid treating guided and unguided engagement as homogeneous categories. A guided programme involving group reflection, structured invitations, and environmental interpretation may differ substantially from a professionally supervised walk focused primarily on physical activity. Likewise, unguided engagement may range from independent wandering to self-directed participation using detailed instructions or previously acquired skills.

A second priority involves identifying outcomes that extend beyond immediate physiological or psychological responses. Educational development, perceived autonomy, environmental confidence, nature connectedness, and the development of independent practices may represent important outcomes for programmes whose objectives include supporting ongoing relationships with nature.

Longitudinal research could examine whether participants subsequently visit natural environments more frequently, develop greater familiarity with local places, or incorporate self-directed nature engagement into their everyday lives. Such studies would need to distinguish changes associated with programme participation from pre-existing interests, individual motivation, and contextual influences.

A third direction concerns accessibility and economic value. Research could investigate whether commercial programmes reach individuals who otherwise encounter barriers to nature contact or primarily attract participants who already possess the financial, geographical, and social resources necessary for outdoor recreation.

Evaluation might incorporate direct participation costs, transportation requirements, demographic characteristics, accessibility arrangements, and the relative effectiveness of different delivery models. Economic analyses could also examine professional labour and organisational costs without assuming that lower-cost provision necessarily produces equivalent outcomes for every population.

A fourth priority concerns professional education and competency assessment. Training programmes may be evaluated through observed facilitation, risk assessment performance, ethical decision-making, accessibility planning, communication skills, and the recognition of professional boundaries. These outcomes should remain distinct from claims that certified practitioners necessarily produce superior therapeutic results.

A fifth area involves commercial expectations and the meaning of participation. Moerman and Jonas (2002), in their discussion of the meaning response, highlighted the importance of interpretation and context in human responses to interventions. Although their framework does not demonstrate a particular effect of payment in forest therapy, it provides a conceptual basis for investigating whether expectations differ between free and paid experiences.

Future studies might explore whether pricing, professional titles, promotional language, or perceived exclusivity influence participants’ expectations, satisfaction, interpretations, or reported outcomes. Appropriate designs would need to account for participant motivation, socioeconomic circumstances, and differences in programme content.

Finally, the ecological implications of commercial forest therapy require greater empirical attention. Research could examine how programme frequency, visitor numbers, transport arrangements, site management, and conservation partnerships affect environmental conditions.

These research directions are consistent with the broader methodological recognition that complex interventions must be evaluated in relation to their mechanisms, contextual conditions, implementation, and intended outcomes (Skivington et al., 2021).

Together, they may support the development of a professional field in which legitimacy is established through transparent evidence, demonstrable competence, ecological responsibility, and participant-centred outcomes rather than commercial growth alone.

12.18. Conclusion: What Are We Selling When We Sell Forest Therapy?

The commercial development of Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy represents neither an inherently unethical transformation nor an automatic progression toward greater therapeutic effectiveness. It is part of a broader process through which ordinary human experiences become associated with scientific investigation, professional education, institutional organisation, cultural interpretation, and economic exchange.

These developments can create legitimate value. Professional guides may contribute knowledge, preparation, environmental interpretation, safety management, accessibility, and opportunities for learning, reflection, and social interaction. Educational institutions may establish standards intended to support responsible practice, while organised programmes may contribute to local economies, community initiatives, and environmental awareness.

However, the existence of these contributions should not obscure the distinction between the professional organisation of an experience and the environmental and human processes through which therapeutic responses may emerge.

A forest does not acquire its ecological characteristics because a practitioner receives certification. Human sensory capacities do not originate through professional invitations. Personal meaning cannot be predetermined through the design of a session, and the existence of a commercial transaction does not establish that a participant will experience psychological or physiological improvement.

Nor should independent nature engagement be presumed less meaningful simply because it occurs outside a professional framework.

The value of guiding therefore need not depend upon diminishing the value of ordinary forest contact. A professional may offer substantial educational and practical support without claiming ownership of the forest’s restorative possibilities. A training organisation may establish competencies without presenting its methodology as the exclusive pathway to meaningful nature engagement. A retreat may provide a distinctive experience without implying that nearby natural environments are inherently inadequate.

These distinctions have implications for how professional success is understood. Economic sustainability remains important, but repeat bookings, revenue, and organisational growth should not be treated as substitutes for evidence of participant benefit. For programmes seeking to support nature connectedness and independent engagement, a participant’s growing confidence in visiting natural environments without professional assistance may represent a valuable educational outcome.

Similarly, the development of commercial services should not create unnecessary barriers to nature contact. Professional and publicly accessible forms of engagement can coexist, serving different needs and populations. Equitable provision requires recognition of both participant accessibility and the legitimate need for professional remuneration.

Environmental responsibility introduces a further consideration. Forests are living ecological systems rather than unlimited therapeutic resources. Their significance extends beyond the benefits they may provide to visitors, and their continued integrity cannot be assumed merely because human activities are described as mindful or regenerative.

Ultimately, these considerations return the discussion to the central question of the article: When does an ordinary nature experience become therapy?

Commercial organisation may change the structure, purpose, expectations, and professional context of an experience. It may introduce intentional facilitation, specialised competencies, and responsibilities that are absent from independently undertaken nature contact. However, the presence of payment, certification, or therapeutic terminology does not by itself establish clinical effectiveness, nor does the absence of these elements preclude restorative or meaningful outcomes.

The central distinction is therefore between what a professional can reasonably provide and what an individual may experience through the interaction of environmental, psychological, social, and personal processes.

Professional forest therapy may be understood as the provision of expertise, organisation, and facilitation intended to support particular forms of engagement with natural environments, rather than the commercial ownership or guaranteed delivery of nature’s therapeutic effects.

Such an understanding does not diminish professional guiding. It defines its contribution more precisely while allowing that contribution to remain open to empirical evaluation.

It also invites a broader conception of professional maturity. A field dedicated to supporting meaningful human relationships with nature should be capable of recognising the value of experiences that exist beyond its services. Professional growth need not depend upon establishing permanent participant dependence, multiplying artificial distinctions, or claiming exclusive authority over ordinary human capacities.

Instead, it may be supported through educational competence, critical inquiry, accurate communication, ethical responsibility, cultural understanding, and the development of services responsive to individual and environmental circumstances.

The question is therefore not whether forest therapy should have economic value, but how that value can be established without reducing forests to commercial therapeutic products or overlooking the autonomy of the people who encounter them.

We may legitimately charge for the knowledge, preparation, judgement, and responsibility involved in guiding someone through a forest. We cannot claim ownership of what the forest means to that person.

A responsible future for the profession may depend upon maintaining this distinction. Guided Shinrin-Yoku can remain one valuable possibility within a wider spectrum of human–nature relationships, rather than becoming the standard against which all other forms of nature engagement are judged.

The forest should remain a place where people may walk, rest, observe, reflect, encounter other living beings, and develop personal meaning without necessarily entering a therapeutic programme or commercial relationship.

The professionalisation of forest therapy should expand opportunities for meaningful nature engagement rather than redefine such engagement as something that must be purchased.

References

Conrad, P. (2007). The medicalization of society: On the transformation of human conditions into treatable disorders. Johns Hopkins University Press.

Farkic, J., Isailovic, G., & Taylor, S. (2021). Forest bathing as a mindful tourism practice. Annals of Tourism Research Empirical Insights, 2(2), Article 100028. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.annale.2021.100028

Forest Therapy Society. (n.d.). Forest therapy. https://www.fo-society.jp/en/foresttherapy.html

Guziak, M. A. (2023). Scaffolded model of engagement for facilitating guided forest therapy sessions. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI120230518en5

Guziak, M. A. (2026a). Spending time in the forest: Modalities of engagement, connection, and care. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI3202602-EN-2

Guziak, M. A. (2026b). Why we need forest therapy guides. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI3202601en

Kim, J.-G., & Shin, W.-S. (2021). Forest therapy alone or with a guide: Is there a difference between self-guided forest therapy and guided forest therapy programs? International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 18(13), Article 6957. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18136957

Lim, P. Y., Dillon, D., & Chew, P. K. H. (2020). A guide to nature immersion: Psychological and physiological benefits. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 17(16), Article 5989. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17165989

Moerman, D. E., & Jonas, W. B. (2002). Deconstructing the placebo effect and finding the meaning response. Annals of Internal Medicine, 136(6), 471–476. https://doi.org/10.7326/0003-4819-136-6-200203190-00011

NHS England. (n.d.). Green social prescribing. https://www.england.nhs.uk/personalisedcare/social-prescribing/green-social-prescribing/

Park, B.-J., Tsunetsugu, Y., Kasetani, T., Kagawa, T., & Miyazaki, Y. (2010). The physiological effects of Shinrin-Yoku (taking in the forest atmosphere or forest bathing): Evidence from field experiments in 24 forests across Japan. Environmental Health and Preventive Medicine, 15(1), 18–26. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12199-009-0086-9

Sezerel, H., Filimonau, V., & Hall, C. M. (2026). From McMindfulness to mimetic desire: Reframing the “mindfulness gaze” in tourism. Tourism Management, 114, Article 105386. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tourman.2025.105386

Shinrin Yoku Association. (n.d.). Code of conduct and guidelines. https://shinrin-yoku-association.com/code-of-conduct-and-guidelines/

Skivington, K., Matthews, L., Simpson, S. A., Craig, P., Baird, J., Blazeby, J. M., Boyd, K. A., Craig, N., French, D. P., McIntosh, E., Petticrew, M., Rycroft-Malone, J., White, M., & Moore, L. (2021). A new framework for developing and evaluating complex interventions: Update of Medical Research Council guidance. BMJ, 374, Article n2061. https://doi.org/10.1136/bmj.n2061

U.S. Department of Education. (n.d.). Professional licensure. https://www.ed.gov/about/initiatives/international-affairs/professional-licensure

White, M. P., Alcock, I., Grellier, J., Wheeler, B. W., Hartig, T., Warber, S. L., Bone, A., Depledge, M. H., & Fleming, L. E. (2019). Spending at least 120 minutes a week in nature is associated with good health and wellbeing. Scientific Reports, 9, Article 7730. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-019-44097-3

Wolch, J. R., Byrne, J., & Newell, J. P. (2014). Urban green space, public health, and environmental justice: The challenge of making cities “just green enough.” Landscape and Urban Planning, 125, 234–244. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.landurbplan.2014.01.017

Zhang, Z., Gao, Y., Huang, X., & Ye, B. (2026). Comparing guided and unguided forest bathing for graduate student stress management: A pilot study. Frontiers in Psychology, 17, Article 1759571. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2026.1759571

Section 13 · Research & Ethical Reflection

From Individual Benefit to Ecological Responsibility

Forests may contribute to our well-being. But does receiving benefits from nature create responsibilities toward the living systems that make those experiences possible?

A forest may contribute to human well-being without existing for the purpose of human well-being.
01 / Environmental ethics

Three ways of valuing nature

Environmental ethics distinguishes between instrumental, intrinsic, and relational values. These perspectives may coexist rather than compete.

VALUE 01

Instrumental value

Nature is valued through the benefits it provides, including restoration, recreation, ecosystem services, and conditions supporting human health.

What does the forest provide?
VALUE 02

Intrinsic value

Natural organisms and ecosystems possess significance independently of their usefulness to human visitors or their commercial therapeutic potential.

Why might the forest matter beyond human benefit?
VALUE 03

Relational value

Relationships with natural places may involve meaning, identity, cultural continuity, responsibility, belonging, and care.

How should we behave in relation to this forest?

Conceptual basis: Chan et al. (2016); IPBES (2022).

02 / Nature relationships

Does nature contact lead to ecological care?

Research distinguishes environmental exposure, subjective connectedness, behavioural intention, and observable action. These may be related, but they are not equivalent.

01 / EXPOSURE

Nature contact

Spending time in or interacting with natural environments.

02 / RELATIONSHIP

Nature connectedness

A subjective relationship involving identity, meaning, belonging, or emotional affiliation.

03 / INTENTION

Environmental concern

Awareness, values, or intentions concerning ecological protection.

04 / ACTION

Ecological behaviour

Actions such as habitat protection, responsible site use, or conservation participation.

Important distinction: This sequence is a conceptual comparison, not an inevitable causal pathway. Nature contact does not automatically produce connectedness, and connectedness does not guarantee ecological action.
03 / Scientific evidence

Association is not causation

Meta-analyses identify positive relationships between connection to nature and pro-environmental behaviour. However, the available experimental evidence is more limited than correlational findings.

Correlational research
r ≈ 0.42

Positive association

Whitburn et al. (2020) reported a positive association between connection to nature and pro-environmental behaviour across 37 samples involving 13,237 participants. This finding does not establish the direction of causality.

Experimental research
Caution

More limited causal evidence

Mackay and Schmitt (2019) found that causal evidence was more modest than correlational findings, with publication bias affecting the experimental literature. Further controlled and longitudinal studies remain important.

Implication for Shinrin-Yoku: A participant's reported sense of connection cannot independently demonstrate lasting conservation behaviour or improvements in biodiversity.
04 / Explore the arguments

Six questions for forest therapy

Open each question to explore the ethical and professional implications discussed in Section 13.

Does experiencing restoration create responsibility?

Experiencing a forest as restorative may provide a reason to care for it, but psychological benefit does not automatically establish a particular ethical obligation or subsequent behaviour.

Responsibility may also arise through ecological knowledge, cultural relationships, community expectations, professional duties, or environmental ethics.

Must participants feel emotionally connected to nature?

No. Ecologically responsible behaviour does not require affection, gratitude, spiritual connectedness, or a particular emotional response.

Guides may communicate appropriate environmental practices while respecting participants' diverse interpretations and experiences.

Is the forest a therapeutic facility?

A forest is a living ecological community, not an environment organised exclusively around human needs.

Fallen trees, dense vegetation, wildlife, decomposition, and seasonal disturbances may have ecological importance even when they do not support visitor comfort or convenience.

How can a guide demonstrate ecological responsibility?

Through site assessment, appropriate route selection, respect for access restrictions, consideration of group size, protection of sensitive habitats, and avoidance of unnecessary disturbance.

Ecological competence should form part of professional preparation, not depend solely on participants developing environmental concern.

Does sustainable forest tourism necessarily regenerate nature?

No. Minimising harm, supporting conservation, and producing measurable ecological improvements are different objectives.

Claims of regeneration require appropriate environmental indicators and evidence. A restorative retreat may also involve transport, accommodation, infrastructure, and resource consumption.

What can sacred forests teach us about responsibility?

Japanese chinju no mori (鎮守の森), or sacred shrine groves, demonstrate how forests may carry ecological, historical, cultural, and community significance extending beyond recreational or therapeutic use.

These traditions should be understood within their cultural contexts, without treating them as proof of therapeutic mechanisms or commercialising sacred meanings without appropriate community involvement.

05 / The Mindful Tourist Framework

Ecological responsibility through the Three Co's

The TMT® educational principles provide an ethical orientation for recognising participant agency, professional accountability, and ecological coexistence.

I

Co-creation

The experience emerges through interactions among people, the guide, and environmental conditions. Its meaning cannot be fully prescribed.

II

Co-responsibility

Participants exercise agency, while the guide retains professional accountability for preparation, safeguarding, and ecologically appropriate decisions.

III

Co-being

Individuals may encounter the forest without being required to demonstrate prescribed emotions, spiritual interpretations, or experiences of healing.

Within the TMT® Scaffolded Model of Engagement, freedom of attention and interpretation can increase while appropriate environmental and safety boundaries remain in place.

06 / Evaluation

What counts as a successful forest experience?

Different outcomes require different evidence. Improvement in one domain should not automatically be interpreted as improvement in another.

Domain Possible evidence What it cannot prove alone
Human well-being Mood, stress, attention, physiological measures Conservation outcomes
Nature connectedness Questionnaires, reflections, follow-up Lasting ecological behaviour
Environmental intention Expressed willingness, planned actions Actual future behaviour
Professional responsibility Site assessments, appropriate practices, compliance with rules Ecological regeneration
Ecological outcomes Site monitoring, habitat measures, restoration indicators Participant therapeutic improvement

Conceptual comparison based on Section 13. This is not a validated measurement instrument.

07 / Future research

What remains to be investigated?

Research should examine the mechanisms, duration, and environmental consequences of guided engagement without presuming that nature connection inevitably leads to conservation.

Guided versus independent experiences

Do guided Shinrin-Yoku sessions influence nature connectedness differently from independent forest visits or other forms of nature engagement?

The role of specific invitations

How do sensory awareness, ecological interpretation, reflection, aesthetic appreciation, and voluntary conservation opportunities influence different outcomes?

Longer-term changes

Do changes reported immediately after a guided session persist? Are they associated with later observable environmental behaviour?

Measuring ecological impact

Can programmes demonstrate responsible site management, reduced environmental harm, or measurable ecological improvements through appropriate monitoring?

Section 13 / Concluding reflection

The therapeutic potential of a forest may remain beyond the guide's control, but ecological responsibility remains within the ethical obligations of professional guiding.

The question is not only what nature can do for us, but how we can engage with forests in ways that respect their ecological relationships, cultural meanings, and continued existence.

13. From Individual Benefit to Ecological Responsibility

The growing scientific recognition of relationships between natural environments and human health has contributed to renewed interest in forests as settings for psychological restoration, physiological regulation, recreation, and personal well-being. Within contemporary Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy research, the potential benefits of forest exposure are frequently investigated through indicators such as perceived stress, autonomic nervous system activity, blood pressure, attention, mood, and nature connectedness. These investigations have contributed to the development of nature-based health research and to broader discussions concerning the role of natural environments in preventive healthcare, public health, and well-being promotion. Nevertheless, the increasing emphasis on measurable human outcomes also raises an important philosophical and ethical question: when forests are recognised as environments that may contribute to human well-being, what responsibilities arise toward the ecological systems upon which these experiences depend?

This question becomes particularly relevant as Shinrin-Yoku develops within professional education, organised health-related services, and commercial wellness tourism. Guided sessions may involve carefully selected environments, structured sensory invitations, professional facilitation, and opportunities for reflection. Participants may experience relaxation, emotional relief, greater environmental awareness, or a meaningful relationship with a particular place. However, the significance of these encounters cannot be adequately understood through participant outcomes alone. Every forest-based activity also takes place within an ecological system consisting of vegetation, wildlife, fungi, microorganisms, soils, water, and interconnected environmental processes. These systems possess characteristics, functions, histories, and vulnerabilities that extend beyond their usefulness to human visitors.

A forest should therefore not be understood exclusively as a therapeutic setting. Although particular environmental conditions may support restorative experiences, forests are living ecological communities whose functioning does not depend upon their capacity to improve human health. Their ecological significance may remain substantial even when they are inaccessible, uncomfortable, unsuitable for recreation, or incapable of providing immediately measurable benefits to visitors. Recognising this distinction does not diminish the relevance of forest therapy research. Rather, it situates nature-based health interventions within the wider ethical, ecological, and sociocultural relationships that make such practices possible.

Previous work examining modalities of forest engagement has proposed that time spent in natural environments may develop from an isolated experience into a continuing relationship involving familiarity, meaning, connectedness, and potentially care (Guziak, 2026). However, such development cannot be assumed to follow a universal or inevitable sequence. An experience of restoration does not necessarily produce environmental concern, while environmental concern does not necessarily lead to observable conservation behaviour. Similarly, individuals may act responsibly toward natural environments without reporting therapeutic benefits or strong emotional attachment.

The present section therefore examines how Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy might accommodate ecological responsibility without reducing it to another expected psychological outcome. Drawing upon environmental ethics, nature connectedness research, conservation scholarship, Japanese cultural perspectives, and professional guiding principles, it distinguishes the potential environmental consequences of individual experiences from the responsibilities of those who organise them. The central argument is that ecological care should be understood not merely as a possible consequence of nature engagement but also as an ethical condition of professionally facilitated activity.

13.1. Beyond an Instrumental Understanding of Nature

Scientific investigations of forest exposure necessarily focus on relationships that can be formulated as research questions and examined through appropriate methods. Studies may investigate whether spending time in forests is associated with changes in physiological stress indicators, psychological well-being, attention, emotional regulation, or other health-related variables. Within such investigations, natural environments are commonly represented according to the conditions and processes through which they may influence human functioning. Vegetation may be examined in relation to attention restoration, natural sounds in relation to emotional responses, and plant-derived volatile organic compounds in relation to potential biological effects.

This orientation reflects an instrumental understanding of nature, in which environmental significance is considered partly in relation to human needs, preferences, or objectives. Instrumental values are not inherently inappropriate. Human societies depend upon ecological systems for water, food production, climate regulation, and numerous conditions supporting health and well-being. Recognition of these contributions may strengthen public arguments for biodiversity conservation, equitable access to natural environments, and the integration of ecological considerations into urban planning and healthcare policy. The limitation emerges when instrumental usefulness becomes the principal or exclusive basis upon which natural environments are evaluated.

An exclusively instrumental approach raises questions concerning environments that provide limited opportunities for recreation or therapeutic engagement. A dense woodland containing vulnerable habitats may be unsuitable for organised Shinrin-Yoku sessions, yet its ecological importance does not diminish because visitors cannot comfortably access it. Similarly, a fallen tree may create an obstacle within a recreational route while providing habitat and participating in nutrient cycling and other ecological processes. These examples illustrate how management decisions organised primarily around visitor preferences may conflict with the requirements of ecological conservation.

Environmental ethics offers a broader conceptual foundation for addressing this tension. Chan et al. (2016) argued that environmental decision-making has frequently been framed through two principal categories of value: instrumental and intrinsic. Whereas instrumental values concern the usefulness of nature in relation to particular objectives, intrinsic values concern the significance of natural entities independently of their usefulness to human beings. The authors further argued that these categories do not adequately encompass the diversity of relationships through which individuals and communities understand their obligations toward the natural world. Their contribution was to emphasise relational values, which concern responsibilities, commitments, identities, and meanings arising through relationships between people and nature, and among people through nature.

Relational values may involve attachment to a familiar woodland, responsibility for a local river, cultural relationships with particular landscapes, or commitments to maintaining environmental conditions for future generations. These relationships cannot always be reduced to the satisfaction of individual preferences or to the attribution of intrinsic worth to ecological entities. Rather, they concern the appropriateness of human conduct within ongoing relationships. From this perspective, the question of why a forest should be protected may extend beyond what it provides or whether it possesses inherent value to include how individuals and communities understand their responsibilities toward it.

The relevance of these distinctions has been reinforced by the Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES, 2022). Its assessment of the diverse values and valuation of nature emphasised the limitations of decision-making approaches that privilege narrow instrumental interpretations while inadequately representing cultural relationships, ecological significance, and other values associated with nature. Importantly, instrumental, intrinsic, and relational values need not be treated as mutually exclusive. The same forest may support human well-being, contain ecologically significant organisms, and form part of a community’s cultural identity. Acknowledging these different dimensions allows the human benefits of Shinrin-Yoku to be considered without treating therapeutic usefulness as the defining measure of environmental worth.

For professional forest therapy, the implication is not that instrumental values should be rejected. Rather, the profession should recognise that the environments supporting its activities possess significance beyond the services they provide. The value of a forest cannot be fully determined by participant satisfaction, physiological responses, accessibility, or commercial potential. An ecologically responsible understanding of Shinrin-Yoku therefore requires consideration of the forest as both a possible contributor to human well-being and an ecological system deserving appropriate protection independently of its therapeutic usefulness.

13.2. From Nature Contact to Nature Connectedness

The distinction between environmental exposure and psychological relationships with nature is particularly important when examining whether nature-based experiences contribute to ecological responsibility. Nature contact broadly concerns exposure to or interaction with natural environments and elements, whereas nature connectedness refers to an individual’s perceived relationship with the natural world. The latter may involve emotional affiliation, identification, belonging, meaning, or a broader sense of relationship with nonhuman life. Although contact and connectedness may be associated, they should not be treated as equivalent constructs.

Individuals may spend considerable time in forests without developing a strong subjective sense of connectedness. Conversely, meaningful relationships with nature may arise through gardening, cultural traditions, childhood experiences, observation of local wildlife, or repeated encounters with familiar natural places. The amount of time spent in natural environments is therefore only one possible dimension of human–nature engagement. Frequency, accessibility, familiarity, subjective interpretation, and the characteristics of the encounter may also influence how an experience is understood and integrated into everyday life.

Lumber et al. (2017) investigated pathways associated with nature connectedness, identifying contact, emotion, meaning, compassion, and beauty as relevant dimensions. Their findings suggest that engagement with nature may involve processes extending beyond ecological knowledge acquisition or the accumulation of time spent outdoors. In their research, activities designed around these pathways were associated with increases in nature connectedness under the conditions examined. However, the findings should not be interpreted as demonstrating that every activity involving these dimensions produces equivalent or lasting changes across different populations and environmental contexts.

This distinction has implications for guided Shinrin-Yoku. Sensory invitations may encourage participants to notice environmental qualities they would otherwise overlook, while reflective activities may create opportunities to explore personal meaning, emotional responses, or aesthetic appreciation. Such experiences may provide conditions through which nature connectedness develops. Nevertheless, the presence of professional guidance does not establish that these processes are unique to facilitated sessions. Similar experiences may arise spontaneously during independent forest visits, and participants may respond differently to the same environmental conditions or guiding invitations.

An additional conceptual distinction concerns whether nature connectedness represents a relatively stable individual disposition, a temporary experiential state, or a relationship developing through repeated encounters. A participant reporting a heightened sense of connectedness immediately after a session may be describing a meaningful but temporary experience. Such a response does not independently demonstrate that a lasting relationship has developed or that subsequent environmental behaviour will change. Longitudinal investigation is therefore necessary when claims concern the continuity of nature connectedness beyond the immediate intervention.

The possibility that nature engagement may develop into an ongoing relationship has been examined in earlier work on modalities of forest engagement (Guziak, 2026). Within this perspective, repeated encounters, personal relevance, accessibility, and the integration of nature contact into everyday life may contribute to continuity. However, the progression from contact to connectedness should remain an empirical question rather than a presumed pathway. Individuals differ in their motivations, interpretations, opportunities, and responses, and these differences must remain central to professional practice and research.

13.3. Nature Connectedness and Pro-Environmental Behaviour: What Does the Evidence Demonstrate?

The relationship between nature connectedness and pro-environmental behaviour has received considerable attention within environmental psychology and conservation research. A central question concerns whether individuals who perceive themselves as more connected with nature are also more likely to engage in actions intended to protect natural environments. Although the available evidence supports a positive association, the distinction between correlational and causal findings is essential for evaluating claims that guided nature-based interventions promote ecological responsibility.

Mackay and Schmitt (2019) conducted a meta-analysis examining relationships between subjective nature connectedness and pro-environmental behaviour. Their analysis of 75 correlational studies identified a positive association (r = 0.37). However, experimental studies provided more limited evidence concerning causality. After accounting for publication bias through the inclusion of unpublished research, the authors identified a small positive effect (d = 0.21). These findings suggest that increasing nature connectedness may contribute to environmentally relevant behaviour under some conditions, but the experimentally supported effect was considerably smaller than the association observed in correlational research.

Whitburn et al. (2020) similarly conducted a meta-analysis involving 37 samples and 13,237 participants. Their findings demonstrated a positive association between connection to nature and pro-environmental behaviour (r = 0.42). However, considerable heterogeneity was identified across studies, and the strength of the association varied according to the instruments used to measure nature connectedness and environmental behaviour. These methodological differences are important because studies may operationalise environmental behaviour through intentions, self-reported practices, or directly observed actions, which do not necessarily provide equivalent evidence of actual ecological outcomes.

Further evidence has been provided by Soga and Gaston (2024), whose meta-analysis examined associations between direct experiences of nature and pro-environmental behaviour across 52 effect sizes. The findings indicated a consistent positive relationship involving environmentally relevant actions such as conservation volunteering, recycling, energy conservation, and green purchasing. Nevertheless, the authors acknowledged the need for further longitudinal and experimental research to clarify causal relationships and better understand the influence of different types of nature experiences.

Complementary findings were reported by Martin et al. (2020), who investigated nature contact, nature connectedness, health, well-being, and pro-environmental behaviour within a representative sample of 4,960 adults in England. Their analysis demonstrated that different dimensions of nature contact and connectedness were associated with different outcomes. Nature connectedness was positively associated with pro-environmental behaviour and aspects of eudaimonic well-being, while the relationships involving environmental exposure varied. As the study employed a cross-sectional design, it could not establish the direction of causality.

Taken together, these findings provide substantial evidence of an association between nature connectedness and pro-environmental behaviour. However, they do not establish that participation in guided Shinrin-Yoku necessarily produces sustained changes in environmental practices or measurable improvements in ecological conditions. It remains possible that individuals with stronger pre-existing environmental values are more likely to seek nature experiences, while participation in such experiences may also contribute to subsequent environmental concern. Both processes may operate simultaneously, alongside contextual influences such as education, social expectations, opportunities for conservation participation, and access to natural environments.

Consequently, claims concerning the ecological benefits of forest therapy should remain proportionate to the evidence available. Research demonstrating psychological restoration cannot independently support conclusions concerning conservation behaviour, and evidence of increased nature connectedness cannot establish improvements in biodiversity. The findings nevertheless provide a valuable foundation for investigating whether particular forms of forest engagement influence environmental attitudes and actions over time.

13.4. Distinguishing Environmental Awareness, Concern, Intention, and Action

A further methodological challenge arises from the tendency to treat environmental awareness, emotional concern, behavioural intention, and observable action as interchangeable expressions of ecological responsibility. Although these dimensions may be related, they represent different phenomena and should be evaluated independently.

Environmental awareness concerns an individual’s understanding or recognition of ecological conditions and relationships. Environmental concern involves evaluative or emotional responses to environmental issues, while behavioural intention concerns a stated willingness or plan to undertake particular actions. Observable behaviour refers to activities actually performed, such as complying with habitat restrictions, participating in conservation work, or changing specific consumption practices. An additional distinction is required between performing an environmentally intended action and demonstrating that the action has produced a measurable ecological improvement.

These differences are relevant to the interpretation of Shinrin-Yoku outcomes. A participant may report increased gratitude toward a forest following a guided session without subsequently changing their behaviour. Another may express concern about biodiversity loss but encounter economic, social, or practical barriers to participating in conservation activities. Conversely, an individual may consistently behave in environmentally responsible ways because of professional responsibilities, ecological knowledge, or legal obligations without experiencing strong emotional connectedness.

Such variability challenges any assumption that meaningful environmental behaviour must originate in a particular emotional state. Ecological responsibility may arise through diverse motivations, including attachment to place, ethical principles, community expectations, scientific understanding, concern for future generations, or adherence to established environmental regulations. These motivations may overlap, but no single emotional experience should be treated as a necessary condition of responsible conduct.

The distinction also has implications for evaluating interventions. A change in nature connectedness questionnaire scores may indicate a psychological response to an experience, but it should not be reported as evidence of conservation success. Similarly, willingness to participate in environmental activities does not establish sustained behaviour, and participation in a restoration programme does not necessarily demonstrate that the programme achieved its ecological objectives.

Research and professional reporting should therefore identify precisely which outcome has been investigated. Claims concerning changes in awareness, emotional connectedness, environmental attitudes, behavioural intentions, observed practices, and ecological conditions require different forms of evidence. Maintaining these distinctions allows Shinrin-Yoku to be considered within broader discussions of environmental responsibility without overstating the ecological consequences of individual experiences.

13.5. The Forest as an Ecological Community Rather Than a Therapeutic Facility

The expansion of Shinrin-Yoku into professionally organised health-related activities creates a conceptual tension between the expectations associated with therapeutic services and the ecological characteristics of natural environments. A conventional therapeutic facility is generally organised to support the objectives and needs of those receiving professional care. Its conditions may be deliberately designed, regulated, and modified to promote safety, comfort, accessibility, and particular intervention goals. A forest, by contrast, is not exclusively organised around human objectives.

Forest ecosystems comprise living organisms, physical conditions, and ecological interactions operating across spatial and temporal scales that extend beyond individual visits. Vegetation, soil organisms, fungi, wildlife, hydrological processes, and environmental disturbances contribute to ecological functioning irrespective of whether these processes are comfortable, observable, or beneficial to visitors. The forest’s characteristics cannot therefore be evaluated solely according to their suitability for relaxation, meditation, or organised therapeutic experiences.

This distinction becomes particularly relevant when professional activities involve modifying environments to improve visitor experience. Fallen vegetation may contribute to habitat availability, while dense understory vegetation may support species whose presence is not immediately apparent. Similarly, seasonal flooding, decomposition, competition, predation, and natural disturbances may contribute to ecological processes even when they limit recreational access. The desire to create an aesthetically pleasing or comfortable setting should therefore be considered alongside the ecological consequences of environmental modification.

Recognising these relationships does not imply that access, safety, or accessibility should be disregarded. Rather, the ecological appropriateness of an activity should be evaluated in relation to the particular characteristics of the location. An established path within a managed recreational forest may support regular guided activities, whereas a sensitive habitat may require restricted access or seasonal protection. Ecological responsibility therefore requires context-specific professional judgement rather than assumptions that all natural environments are equally suitable for organised interventions.

This perspective also challenges idealised representations of forests as uniformly harmonious or benevolent environments. Ecological systems involve competition, disease, mortality, disturbance, and continuous change. Recognising these processes is important for avoiding the interpretation of nature through exclusively human moral or aesthetic expectations. A forest may contain uncomfortable, unpredictable, or potentially hazardous conditions while remaining ecologically significant.

The therapeutic potential of a forest does not imply that the environment possesses an intention to heal human visitors. Similarly, describing nature as interconnected does not establish that ecological processes are organised for human benefit. Such distinctions are essential for maintaining scientific accuracy while allowing philosophical interpretations of human–nature relationships to remain open.

A forest may contribute to human well-being without existing for the purpose of human well-being. This proposition provides an important ethical foundation for understanding Shinrin-Yoku as an activity undertaken within ecological systems rather than as an intervention delivered upon environments whose significance is determined primarily by human objectives.

13.6. Cultural Relationships, Sacred Forests, and Chinju no Mori

The significance of forests beyond their instrumental usefulness is also evident in the cultural and historical relationships maintained between communities and particular environments. Forests may contribute to collective identity, cultural continuity, spiritual traditions, ecological knowledge, and established practices of environmental stewardship. These relationships may exist independently of contemporary scientific investigations into psychological or physiological restoration.

In previous work examining Chinju no Mori: The Transformation of Sacred Forests into Sustainable and Healing Communities, Guziak and Hiroi (2025) discussed Japanese sacred shrine forests as places associated with cultural continuity, ecological significance, community relationships, and environmental care. Chinju no mori (鎮守の森) refers to sacred groves associated with local Shinto shrines. Their significance may involve historical, cultural, religious, and ecological dimensions that cannot be adequately represented through contemporary measures of visitor satisfaction or health-related outcomes.

Such environments illustrate how the meaning of a forest may develop through relationships extending across generations. A sacred grove may form part of a community’s cultural history, collective practices, and understanding of relationships between human beings and the natural world. Its preservation may therefore concern the continuity of cultural and ecological relationships rather than the provision of therapeutic experiences to individual visitors.

Nevertheless, cultural interpretation requires methodological and historical care. The existence of longstanding Japanese relationships with forests does not establish that contemporary Shinrin-Yoku or forest therapy emerged directly from a single ancient spiritual tradition. Nor should modern professional guiding appropriate sacred meanings detached from their original contexts. Historical and spiritual traditions may provide important perspectives on relationships with nature, but they should not be treated as interchangeable with contemporary scientific theories or clinical evidence.

These considerations are particularly important when professionally organised forest experiences take place within environments possessing established cultural meanings. The interests, access expectations, knowledge, and practices of associated communities should be respected. A sacred site should not be represented primarily as a uniquely powerful therapeutic destination, and the commercial development of Shinrin-Yoku should not create an assumption that culturally significant environments are automatically available for professional use.

The broader relevance of chinju no mori lies in demonstrating that relationships with forests may involve responsibilities extending beyond individual well-being. This principle is not limited to Japan. Indigenous peoples and local communities in many regions maintain relationships with natural environments through histories, livelihoods, cultural practices, and systems of ecological knowledge that may not be evident to outside visitors. Respect for these relationships requires attention to context, appropriate permissions, cultural interpretation, and the limitations of professional authority.

13.7. Ecological Responsibility Without Prescribing Emotional or Spiritual Outcomes

The recognition of ecological responsibility introduces an important ethical challenge concerning participant autonomy. Professional guides may reasonably establish standards for environmentally responsible behaviour, including respecting access restrictions, avoiding disturbance to wildlife, and minimising damage to vegetation. However, these requirements should remain distinct from expectations concerning how participants ought to feel or interpret their relationship with nature.

Participants may approach forest experiences through different philosophical, emotional, cultural, or scientific perspectives. Some may describe gratitude, compassion, interconnectedness, or a sense of unity with the natural world. Others may respond through aesthetic appreciation, ecological curiosity, quiet observation, or simple enjoyment of the environment. Individuals may also experience discomfort, emotional neutrality, or little identifiable change during a session. Such responses should not be arranged according to a presumed hierarchy of experiential authenticity.

The distinction is particularly important when ecological responsibility becomes associated with the expectation that participants should demonstrate affection or gratitude toward natural environments. Although these responses may be personally meaningful, their expression does not independently establish ecological knowledge or responsible behaviour. Conversely, silence or the absence of emotional expression should not be interpreted as a deficiency in nature connectedness or environmental concern.

Environmental ethics and psychological outcomes therefore require different forms of professional consideration. A guide may appropriately explain why particular habitats should not be entered, but should avoid requiring participants to adopt a spiritual interpretation of ecological interdependence. Similarly, a guide may introduce opportunities to reflect upon relationships with trees or other organisms without implying that participants must experience compassion, reverence, or moral transformation.

This approach is compatible with value pluralism as discussed by Chan et al. (2016) and IPBES (2022). Individuals and communities may recognise responsibilities toward natural environments through different cultural, ethical, and philosophical frameworks. Professional practice can respect these differences while maintaining clearly communicated standards for behaviour.

Consequently, ecological responsibility should not become another emotional outcome that participants are expected to achieve. The guide’s responsibility is to establish appropriate conditions for engagement, communicate relevant environmental requirements, and support participant autonomy within those boundaries. The meanings that participants develop through their experiences remain their own.

13.8. The Three Co’s and Ecological Responsibility Within the TMT® Framework

The principles of co-creation, co-responsibility, and co-being developed within The Mindful Tourist’s educational framework provide a useful conceptual foundation for examining the relationship between participant autonomy, professional accountability, and ecological care. Although these principles were developed primarily to inform ethical and participant-centred guiding, their application may be extended to consider the environmental circumstances in which guided activities occur.

Co-creation recognises that a guided experience emerges through interactions among participant characteristics, environmental conditions, guiding practices, and the wider context of the encounter. The guide may establish an appropriate structure and communicate invitations, but does not determine the entirety of the participant’s experience. Applied to ecological relationships, co-creation also encourages recognition that the environment is not a passive backdrop. Environmental conditions influence what becomes possible during a session, even though the forest should not be understood as intentionally producing particular psychological outcomes.

Co-responsibility concerns the relationship between participant agency and professional care. Participants may contribute through their choices, communication, and engagement, while the guide remains accountable for preparation, safeguarding, environmental suitability, and decisions within the professional role. This principle can be extended to ecological considerations by acknowledging that both guides and participants may influence the environments in which activities take place. However, shared participation does not imply identical responsibilities or expertise. The guide remains responsible for evaluating environmental risks, communicating appropriate boundaries, and organising the activity in accordance with relevant ecological and legal requirements.

Co-being recognises the possibility of participating in an experience without requiring particular emotional states, responses, or interpretations. Within an ecological context, this principle may encourage recognition that human beings occupy natural environments alongside other forms of life, without implying that those organisms share human intentions or professional obligations. Co-being may therefore offer an ethical orientation grounded in attentiveness, restraint, and recognition of ecological coexistence.

Together, these principles provide a framework in which human well-being and ecological responsibility may be considered without conflating their respective meanings. The guide may support meaningful engagement while maintaining environmental boundaries, and participants may exercise autonomy without receiving unrestricted permission to interact physically with every environmental feature. Environmental care becomes part of the conditions under which an experience is facilitated rather than an emotional response that the guide seeks to produce.

This understanding is also relevant to the concept of reciprocity. Participants may benefit from access to natural environments and subsequently choose to support their care, while professional organisations may contribute to conservation or community initiatives associated with the places supporting their activities. However, reciprocity should not be represented as an automatic consequence of nature exposure or as a requirement that every session include an active conservation task. Depending on the ecological circumstances, an appropriate expression of care may involve avoiding disturbance, restricting access, or deciding not to undertake an activity.

13.9. Ecological Responsibility Within the TMT® Scaffolded Model of Engagement

The TMT® Scaffolded Model of Engagement provides an additional framework for considering how ecological responsibility may be incorporated into professionally facilitated forest experiences (Guziak, 2023). The model draws upon principles of scaffolded support and gradual release, whereby professional structure is adapted to facilitate increasing participant autonomy. Within guided Shinrin-Yoku, this approach allows participants to engage with sensory, reflective, and relational possibilities while maintaining appropriate conditions for safety and professional care.

The model’s relevance to ecological responsibility lies in the distinction between experiential freedom and unrestricted physical activity. Participants may be encouraged to exercise increasing independence in determining what they observe, how they interpret environmental encounters, or which invitations they choose to explore. Nevertheless, such freedom does not remove the requirements associated with environmental protection, access regulations, or responsible use of the site.

At the beginning of a session, the guide may communicate information concerning the location’s environmental characteristics, vulnerable habitats, permitted activities, and necessary precautions. During subsequent phases, participants may be offered opportunities for independent observation or exploration within clearly established boundaries. As external guidance becomes less directive, professional accountability for environmental suitability remains in place.

For example, an invitation encouraging participants to explore the characteristics of a tree may involve observation, sensory attention, or reflection. However, the guide should consider whether physical contact is appropriate in the particular location and whether the activity could damage vegetation or disturb organisms. Similarly, an invitation to explore freely should not be interpreted as permission to enter restricted habitats or leave designated areas when doing so would be ecologically inappropriate.

This application of the scaffolded model illustrates how participant autonomy and environmental responsibility can coexist. The guide need not prescribe the subjective meaning of an experience in order to establish boundaries concerning behaviour. Instead, appropriate environmental conditions become part of the professional structure supporting meaningful and responsible engagement.

The model should nevertheless be understood as a guiding framework rather than evidence that scaffolded sessions necessarily produce greater ecological awareness or conservation behaviour. Evaluating such outcomes would require empirical comparison with other forms of nature engagement. Its immediate contribution is therefore conceptual and professional: it provides a means of organising participant-centred experiences while maintaining clear accountability for how those experiences are conducted.

13.10. Ecological Care as a Dimension of Professional Competence

The ethical responsibilities associated with forest therapy become more concrete when considered through the professional decisions involved in preparing and delivering guided activities. Ecological care should not depend exclusively upon the attitudes participants express or the emotional responses they experience. It may also be demonstrated through the guide’s capacity to recognise environmental sensitivities, evaluate potential impacts, and adapt activities to the characteristics of particular locations.

Professional preparation may involve selecting appropriate routes, respecting seasonal access restrictions, considering group size, avoiding unnecessary disturbance to wildlife, and minimising impacts upon vegetation, soil, and water systems. Activities involving the collection or movement of natural materials, interaction with organisms, or entry into sensitive areas may require additional ecological knowledge and permission. These considerations should form part of session planning and environmental risk assessment rather than being introduced only when problems arise.

Importantly, ecological suitability cannot be established through universally applicable assumptions. Different forests vary in conservation status, environmental sensitivity, visitor pressure, accessibility, management arrangements, and cultural significance. An activity appropriate within an intensively managed recreational woodland may be unsuitable in a protected habitat. Similarly, seasonal changes may alter the ecological consequences of activities that would otherwise appear unobjectionable.

Guidance developed by the International Union for Conservation of Nature concerning tourism and visitor management in protected areas emphasises the importance of evaluating visitor experiences alongside conservation objectives, environmental impacts, and local management conditions (Leung et al., 2018). Although these guidelines are not specific to Shinrin-Yoku, they provide a relevant foundation for considering how organised forest experiences may be managed within ecologically sensitive environments.

The responsibility of the guide also extends to the communication of environmental requirements. Participants unfamiliar with local ecosystems may not recognise vulnerable vegetation, breeding habitats, erosion-prone soils, or restrictions associated with particular locations. Appropriate information should therefore be provided in ways that support understanding without undermining the participant-centred character of the experience. The professional remains responsible for establishing reasonable boundaries rather than assuming that participants will independently possess the necessary ecological knowledge.

Nevertheless, adherence to responsible environmental practices should not be confused with evidence of ecological restoration. Avoiding unnecessary disturbance may reduce negative impacts, but it does not necessarily produce measurable improvements in ecosystem condition. Similarly, environmental education may contribute to awareness without demonstrating subsequent conservation outcomes. These distinctions are essential for avoiding exaggerated claims concerning the ecological significance of professionally facilitated experiences.

13.11. Evaluating Human Well-Being and Ecological Outcomes Separately

The development of ecologically responsible forest therapy requires greater precision in defining and evaluating programme outcomes. Contemporary nature-based intervention research commonly examines participant-level variables, including perceived stress, emotional well-being, physiological indicators, attention, or nature connectedness. Such outcomes are relevant to the investigation of human health, but they do not independently indicate whether an activity has been conducted in an environmentally responsible manner.

A session may be experienced as restorative while producing avoidable disturbance within a sensitive habitat. Conversely, a session may be ecologically well managed without producing measurable short-term improvements in participant well-being. These possibilities demonstrate why therapeutic effectiveness and environmental responsibility should remain analytically distinct, even when both are considered important objectives.

A broader evaluation framework may therefore distinguish psychological outcomes, environmentally relevant attitudes, professional practices, participant behaviour, and ecological changes. The following table illustrates how different claims require different forms of evidence.

Table 13.1. Distinguishing human, behavioural, professional, and ecological outcomes in guided nature-based interventions

Evaluation domain

Principal question

Examples of appropriate indicators

Interpretive limitation

Human well-being

Did participants experience measurable or reported changes in well-being?

Mood, stress, attention, physiological measures, participant-reported experience

Improvement does not establish ecological benefit

Nature connectedness

Did participants report changes in their perceived relationship with nature?

Validated connectedness measures, qualitative reflections, repeated assessments

Connectedness does not necessarily produce conservation behaviour

Environmental awareness

Did participants acquire or demonstrate relevant ecological understanding?

Knowledge assessments, interviews, reflective accounts

Awareness does not establish behavioural change

Behavioural intention

Do participants intend to undertake environmentally responsible actions?

Intention questionnaires, stated commitments

Intentions do not guarantee future action

Observable environmental behaviour

Did participants engage in specific environmentally relevant practices?

Documented activities, behavioural observations, appropriate follow-up

Behavioural participation does not independently establish ecological improvement

Professional ecological responsibility

Was the programme organised and delivered in accordance with appropriate environmental requirements?

Site assessments, compliance records, activity adaptations, disturbance-prevention measures

Responsible management does not necessarily constitute regeneration

Ecological outcomes

Did the activity or associated programme contribute to measurable environmental change?

Site-specific habitat indicators, vegetation condition, disturbance measures, restoration monitoring

Ecological improvements require suitable attribution and assessment methods

Social and cultural responsibility

Were local interests, rights, knowledge, and access arrangements appropriately considered?

Permissions, community participation, partnership evaluation, documented governance processes

Consultation alone does not establish equitable outcomes

Note. This table is a proposed conceptual and evaluative framework for the present article, rather than an empirically validated measurement instrument.

The distinction between these domains is particularly important when organisations claim to provide sustainable or regenerative experiences. A programme that minimises disturbance may demonstrate responsible management without producing positive ecological change. A conservation partnership may support environmental protection without establishing that participants personally became more connected to nature. Similarly, improvements in participant well-being do not justify claims that the ecological condition of the forest has improved.

A relational understanding of professional success should therefore avoid collapsing different outcomes into one general concept of healing. Instead, programmes may be evaluated through several complementary dimensions, each requiring evidence appropriate to the claim being made. This allows personal well-being, professional accountability, ecological care, and community relationships to be considered together without assuming that success in one domain guarantees success in another.

13.12. Sustainable and Regenerative Tourism: Opportunities and Ecological Trade-Offs

The commercial expansion of forest bathing and forest therapy introduces further questions concerning the ecological costs and benefits of organised well-being experiences. Retreats, professional training programmes, and destination-based nature interventions may require transportation, accommodation, infrastructure, food provision, and other forms of resource consumption. Although these activities may provide valuable experiences for participants and economic opportunities for local communities, their environmental consequences cannot be determined solely by the restorative qualities of the destination.

Lenzen et al. (2018) demonstrated the substantial contribution of tourism-related consumption to global greenhouse gas emissions. Their analysis identified the importance of considering multiple components of tourism activity, including transportation and associated consumption. Although the research did not investigate Shinrin-Yoku or forest therapy specifically, it provides an important context for evaluating the environmental implications of wellness tourism.

A forest-based retreat may contribute to individual restoration while simultaneously generating transport-related emissions or placing additional pressure upon local environments. These consequences do not imply that all destination-based Shinrin-Yoku programmes are environmentally harmful. Their overall significance depends upon factors such as travel distance, infrastructure, accommodation practices, group size, local environmental conditions, and programme management. Nevertheless, the fact that an experience takes place in nature does not, by itself, demonstrate ecological sustainability.

This tension becomes particularly relevant when programmes describe themselves as regenerative. In related work on sustainable and regenerative health tourism, a conceptual Regenerative Health Tourism Framework has been proposed to integrate human well-being with ecological restoration, community resilience, environmental design, and responsible economic activity. Such a framework offers a possible direction for the development of nature-based services, but it should not be treated as empirical evidence that existing forest therapy activities are regenerative.

A distinction is required between minimising environmental harm, supporting conservation, and producing demonstrable ecological improvements. Harm minimisation may involve responsible site use, reduced resource consumption, and the avoidance of unnecessary disturbance. Conservation support may include contributions to habitat protection, community conservation initiatives, or environmental management. Regeneration, when used as a claim of positive ecological improvement, requires stronger evidence demonstrating changes in environmental conditions relative to an appropriate baseline and over a meaningful period.

These categories may overlap, but they should not be considered interchangeable. A programme may be professionally responsible without producing measurable regeneration, while a conservation initiative may achieve ecological improvements independently of participants’ therapeutic experiences. Accurate communication therefore requires clarity regarding what a programme intends to achieve, what activities it undertakes, and what outcomes have actually been assessed.

The broader challenge for forest therapy tourism is to recognise potential trade-offs rather than assuming that benefits to visitors automatically extend to ecosystems. A professionally responsible approach may include consideration of local opportunities for nature engagement, travel-related impacts, conservation requirements, and the capacity of host environments and communities to accommodate organised activities. Such considerations become increasingly important as the economic value associated with nature-based well-being continues to develop.

13.13. Community Relationships and the Social Dimensions of Ecological Care

Ecological responsibility cannot always be separated from the social and cultural contexts of natural environments. Forests may form part of local livelihoods, collective histories, cultural traditions, conservation arrangements, and established systems of land management. Professional guides and visiting participants may understand a particular forest primarily as a suitable environment for Shinrin-Yoku, while nearby communities may maintain relationships with the same place through daily activities, cultural practices, and long-term responsibilities.

These perspectives may not always coincide. Commercial interest in a natural environment may increase visitor numbers, alter patterns of access, or create competition between recreational activities and other uses. Consequently, professional interest in delivering nature-based well-being services does not automatically confer authority to determine how a place should be used or interpreted.

The IPBES Values Assessment (2022) emphasised the importance of recognising diverse environmental values and knowledge systems within decision-making. Applied to Shinrin-Yoku, this perspective suggests that responsible programme development should involve attention to existing relationships with place, appropriate permissions, local environmental knowledge, and the possible consequences of organised tourism for surrounding communities.

Where programmes involve community partnerships, those relationships should extend beyond the symbolic incorporation of local identity into promotional materials. Meaningful engagement may involve consultation, participation in planning, recognition of relevant rights and knowledge, and consideration of how benefits and responsibilities are distributed. The appropriate form of involvement will depend upon the location, governance arrangements, and interests of the communities concerned.

These considerations reinforce the relational character of ecological responsibility. Caring for a forest may involve maintaining environmental conditions while also respecting the relationships through which people understand and manage that place. Professional guiding should therefore avoid treating the landscape as culturally neutral or available for unrestricted commercial interpretation.

A responsible approach recognises that a forest may be simultaneously an ecological community, a place of cultural significance, a recreational environment, and a possible setting for health-related experiences. These dimensions may coexist, but tensions among them require attention rather than assumptions that all forms of use are automatically compatible.

13.14. Future Research: Investigating the Relationship Between Nature-Based Interventions and Ecological Care

The growing evidence concerning associations among nature contact, nature connectedness, and pro-environmental behaviour provides a rationale for further investigation into the ecological implications of Shinrin-Yoku. However, research should distinguish whether its objective is to examine psychological experiences, changes in environmental attitudes, subsequent behaviour, or measurable ecological outcomes. These questions require different methodological approaches and should not be treated as interchangeable indicators of success.

An initial research priority concerns the extent to which guided Shinrin-Yoku influences nature connectedness beyond immediate post-session measurements. Comparative studies could examine whether guided experiences produce different outcomes from independent forest visits, conventional nature walks, or other forms of environmental engagement. Such investigations should consider relevant differences in participant characteristics, duration, environmental conditions, prior experience, and expectations.

A second priority concerns the contribution of particular components of guided sessions. Research could investigate whether invitations involving sensory awareness, ecological interpretation, aesthetic appreciation, personal reflection, or opportunities for voluntary environmental action influence different dimensions of nature connectedness and ecological concern. Such comparisons may help clarify whether particular intervention characteristics contribute to outcomes beyond those associated with nature contact itself.

A third research priority involves the relationship between temporary psychological changes and longer-term behaviour. Longitudinal studies could examine whether participants subsequently visit natural environments more frequently, engage in conservation activities, adopt particular environmentally relevant practices, or develop sustained relationships with specific places. Such studies should account for pre-existing environmental values, access to opportunities, social circumstances, and other factors influencing behaviour.

The evaluation of ecological outcomes presents additional methodological challenges. A programme seeking to demonstrate positive environmental effects would require suitable environmental indicators, appropriate monitoring, and a credible basis for attributing observed changes to programme activities rather than unrelated conditions. Changes in habitat quality, vegetation, disturbance, or other ecological variables may occur over timescales that differ substantially from those used to evaluate immediate participant experiences.

Mixed-methods research may be particularly valuable for examining how participants interpret environmental relationships while distinguishing these interpretations from behavioural and ecological outcomes. Qualitative approaches may contribute insight into experiences of place attachment, environmental responsibility, cultural meaning, or the perceived relationship between personal restoration and ecological care. Quantitative and observational methods may complement these findings by evaluating changes in specific behaviours or environmental indicators.

The ethical dimensions of such investigations should also receive attention. Researchers and guides should avoid implying that participants are expected to adopt environmentally desirable emotional responses or that one type of nature relationship is inherently more authentic than another. Participants’ autonomy, diverse worldviews, and freedom to interpret their experiences should remain central.

Ultimately, the research agenda should not be organised around confirming that forest therapy necessarily produces ecological transformation. Rather, it should investigate under what conditions, for whom, through which processes, and to what extent particular forms of nature engagement may contribute to environmental awareness, connectedness, behaviour, and care.

13.15. Discussion: From Receiving Benefits to Recognising Relationships

The relationship between individual well-being and ecological responsibility exposes a fundamental tension within contemporary forest therapy. On one hand, research into the potential health-related benefits of natural environments has increased recognition of forests within public health, environmental planning, and professional well-being services. On the other hand, the growing emphasis on measurable therapeutic outcomes may encourage forests to be represented primarily through their capacity to support human functioning.

The instrumental perspective is not necessarily incompatible with ecological care. Recognition that healthy ecosystems contribute to human well-being may strengthen arguments for conservation and access to natural environments. However, these arguments remain incomplete when the value of a forest is understood solely according to the benefits it provides to visitors. An ecological community may require protection even when its characteristics do not correspond with human preferences or therapeutic objectives.

A relational perspective allows these dimensions to be considered together. Forests may contribute to psychological restoration while possessing ecological, cultural, and ethical significance beyond their usefulness. Participants may develop personally meaningful relationships with natural environments without being required to interpret those relationships in prescribed ways. Guides may facilitate professional experiences while maintaining accountability for the ecological conditions in which their activities occur.

The evidence concerning nature connectedness suggests that stronger subjective relationships with nature are associated with pro-environmental behaviour, although the causal processes and longer-term implications require further investigation (Mackay & Schmitt, 2019; Soga & Gaston, 2024; Whitburn et al., 2020). Accordingly, it would be inappropriate to assume that a successful Shinrin-Yoku session necessarily results in conservation behaviour. Equally, the absence of measurable changes in connectedness or environmental concern should not be interpreted as evidence that the experience lacked personal meaning.

This distinction also challenges the expectation that ecological responsibility must develop through a particular emotional process. Participants may act responsibly because of ecological knowledge, cultural commitments, legal requirements, or practical consideration. Others may experience gratitude or attachment without subsequently undertaking conservation activities. These differences illustrate the limitations of a universal model in which nature contact necessarily progresses through emotional connectedness toward ecological action.

The professional responsibilities of forest therapy should therefore be distinguished from the possible psychological consequences of participation. Guides and organisations cannot guarantee that an encounter will produce restoration, connectedness, or conservation motivation. They can, however, make informed decisions concerning environmental suitability, access, risk assessment, disturbance prevention, and respect for local communities. Ecological responsibility should consequently be incorporated into professional standards rather than treated exclusively as a desirable participant outcome.

This position also provides a more defensible understanding of reciprocity. A relationship with nature need not require an exchange in which each beneficial experience is followed by a conservation activity. Appropriate care may sometimes involve restraint, respect for environmental limits, or the decision not to undertake an activity. At other times, it may involve sustained engagement in conservation partnerships, community initiatives, or habitat restoration. The relevant response depends upon the characteristics and needs of the place rather than a universal expectation of reciprocal action.

A relational perspective therefore broadens the meaning of professional success without eliminating the importance of scientific measurement. Human well-being, environmental awareness, professional ecological responsibility, and ecological outcomes may all contribute to the evaluation of a programme, but each represents a distinct domain. Their relationships should be investigated rather than assumed.

13.16. Conclusion: From Therapeutic Benefit to Ecological Accountability

The development of Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy as professionally organised nature-based practices has contributed to growing recognition of the potential relationship between natural environments and human well-being. Forests may support psychological restoration, physiological regulation, and personally meaningful experiences under particular conditions. Nevertheless, the ecological significance of forests cannot be adequately understood through these contributions alone.

Environmental ethics and nature connectedness research provide a foundation for recognising the multiplicity of values involved in human–forest relationships. Instrumental values concern the benefits that natural environments provide, intrinsic values concern their significance independently of such benefits, and relational values concern the meanings, commitments, and responsibilities associated with relationships between people and nature. These perspectives may coexist and contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the environments in which Shinrin-Yoku takes place.

The scientific evidence indicates that nature connectedness is positively associated with pro-environmental behaviour, but this relationship does not establish that guided forest experiences necessarily produce enduring changes in ecological responsibility. Experiences of beauty, gratitude, restoration, and emotional connectedness may be personally significant without resulting in observable environmental action. Conversely, ecological care may be expressed through informed and responsible behaviour independently of the participant’s emotional interpretation.

Within the TMT® educational framework, the principles of co-creation, co-responsibility, and co-being offer an orientation through which professional care, participant autonomy, and ecological considerations may be brought into dialogue. Together with the TMT® Scaffolded Model of Engagement, these principles allow guides to establish appropriate environmental boundaries while preserving freedom in how participants attend to, experience, and interpret the forest. Their value in this context is conceptual and professional; claims concerning their effectiveness in producing measurable conservation outcomes require further research.

The broader implication is that ecological responsibility should not be treated merely as an optional consequence of a successful therapeutic encounter. Professionally organised forest-based activities take place within living environments whose ecological conditions may be influenced by human presence. Accordingly, the guide’s responsibility extends beyond the immediate experience of participants to include appropriate consideration of the place itself.

This responsibility may involve selecting suitable environments, respecting access requirements, minimising disturbance, adapting activities to ecological sensitivities, and recognising the interests of local communities. Where programmes claim to support conservation or regeneration, their environmental contributions should be evaluated through evidence appropriate to those claims. Such accountability becomes particularly important as Shinrin-Yoku expands within commercial wellness tourism and professional health-related services.

An ecologically responsible approach does not require every session to involve conservation work, nor does it require every participant to become an environmental advocate. It requires professional recognition that the forest is not simply a therapeutic resource organised around human needs. Its organisms, ecological relationships, and environmental processes continue independently of the experiences occurring within it.

The distinction also has implications for the wider question of what makes a forest encounter therapeutic. The potential benefits experienced by participants depend upon interactions among environmental conditions, individual characteristics, attention, interpretation, and, where applicable, professional facilitation. Yet the ethical appropriateness of an organised encounter cannot be established solely through its therapeutic effects. An experience may be beneficial for participants while remaining environmentally inappropriate, just as environmentally responsible practice does not guarantee therapeutic improvement.

For this reason, the future development of Shinrin-Yoku should involve two complementary but analytically distinct commitments: the careful investigation of potential human health outcomes and the responsible organisation of activities within ecological and cultural environments.

The therapeutic potential of a forest may remain uncertain or beyond the guide’s control, but ecological responsibility remains within the ethical obligations of professional guiding.

This recognition does not diminish the importance of individual restoration. Rather, it places restoration within a broader relationship in which human well-being is understood as one dimension of life within ecological systems, rather than the purpose for which those systems exist.

A person may enter a forest seeking rest, experience relief, develop a meaningful relationship with the place, or leave without noticing any significant change. Regardless of the individual’s response, the forest continues through ecological processes extending beyond the duration of the encounter. Recognising this continuity invites an understanding of Shinrin-Yoku in which the significance of a session is not exhausted by what the participant receives.

The central question is therefore not whether every encounter produces ecological concern, but whether the profession can develop forms of practice that respect the living environments supporting its activities. Scientific research may help clarify the relationships among exposure, connectedness, behaviour, and ecological outcomes. Environmental ethics may contribute to understanding the responsibilities associated with those relationships. Professional standards may translate these considerations into decisions concerning how guided experiences are organised and delivered.

Ultimately, the relationship between Shinrin-Yoku and ecological responsibility remains open to further philosophical reflection and empirical investigation. However, one proposition emerges from the discussion: a forest’s contribution to human well-being does not exhaust its ecological or ethical significance, and the professional use of natural environments entails responsibilities that extend beyond the benefits received by visitors.

The question of what forests can provide for human well-being must therefore be accompanied by an equally important consideration: how can human beings engage with forests in ways that respect the ecological relationships upon which both the experience and the continued existence of those environments depend?

References

Chan, K. M. A., Balvanera, P., Benessaiah, K., Chapman, M., Díaz, S., Gómez-Baggethun, E., Gould, R., Hannahs, N., Jax, K., Klain, S., Luck, G. W., Martín-López, B., Muraca, B., Norton, B., Ott, K., Pascual, U., Satterfield, T., Tadaki, M., Taggart, J., & Turner, N. J. (2016). Why protect nature? Rethinking values and the environment. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 113(6), 1462–1465. https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1525002113

Guziak, M. A. (2023). Scaffolded model of engagement for facilitating guided forest therapy sessions. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI120230518en5

Guziak, M. A. (2026). Spending time in the forest: Modalities of engagement, connection, and care. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI3202602-EN-2

Guziak, M. A., & Hiroi, Y. (2025). Chinju no Mori: The transformation of sacred forests into sustainable and healing communities. Shinrin-Yoku Journal, 1(1), 14–24.

Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services. (2022). Methodological assessment report on the diverse values and valuation of nature (P. Balvanera, U. Pascual, M. Christie, B. Baptiste, & D. González-Jiménez, Eds.). IPBES Secretariat. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.6522522

Lenzen, M., Sun, Y.-Y., Faturay, F., Ting, Y.-P., Geschke, A., & Malik, A. (2018). The carbon footprint of global tourism. Nature Climate Change, 8, 522–528. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41558-018-0141-x

Leung, Y.-F., Spenceley, A., Hvenegaard, G., & Buckley, R. (Eds.). (2018). Tourism and visitor management in protected areas: Guidelines for sustainability (Best Practice Protected Area Guidelines Series No. 27). IUCN. https://doi.org/10.2305/IUCN.CH.2018.PAG.27.en

Lumber, R., Richardson, M., & Sheffield, D. (2017). Beyond knowing nature: Contact, emotion, compassion, meaning, and beauty are pathways to nature connection. PLOS ONE, 12(5), Article e0177186. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0177186

Mackay, C. M. L., & Schmitt, M. T. (2019). Do people who feel connected to nature do more to protect it? A meta-analysis. Journal of Environmental Psychology, 65, Article 101323. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jenvp.2019.101323

Martin, L., White, M. P., Hunt, A., Richardson, M., Pahl, S., & Burt, J. (2020). Nature contact, nature connectedness and associations with health, wellbeing and pro-environmental behaviours. Journal of Environmental Psychology, 68, Article 101389. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jenvp.2020.101389

Soga, M., & Gaston, K. J. (2024). Do people who experience more nature act more to protect it? A meta-analysis. Biological Conservation, 289, Article 110417. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.biocon.2023.110417

Whitburn, J., Linklater, W., & Abrahamse, W. (2020). Meta-analysis of human connection to nature and proenvironmental behavior. Conservation Biology, 34(1), 180–193. https://doi.org/10.1111/cobi.13381

Section 14 · Conceptual synthesis

Toward a Relational Understanding of Therapeutic Experience

When does an encounter with nature become therapeutic? The answer may depend less on what the experience is called and more on how the person, place, process, and time interact.

Central proposition

Therapeutic experience is not an inherent property of the forest, the activity, or professional guidance. It is a possible experience or outcome arising under particular relational conditions.

01 / Conceptual framework

Four dimensions of forest experience

Forest encounters can be examined through four interacting dimensions. Select each card to explore how it contributes to the character of an encounter.

01 / PERSON Who experiences? Personal circumstances, capacities, expectations, memories, and preferences.

People arrive in forests with different physical abilities, psychological states, cultural backgrounds, past experiences, and relationships with nature.

The same environment or invitation may be comforting to one participant and challenging to another.

Research question: For whom is a particular form of engagement beneficial, and under which circumstances?

02 / PLACE Where does it happen? Ecology, sensory conditions, accessibility, safety, and familiarity.

Forests differ in vegetation, terrain, sound, light, biodiversity, accessibility, and cultural meanings.

A familiar neighbourhood woodland may be more personally significant than a distant or professionally designated forest.

Research question: How do environmental characteristics and place relationships influence experience?

03 / PROCESS What happens? Movement, stillness, attention, reflection, social interaction, and facilitation.

Walking, observing, meditating, socialising, and responding to invitations may create different opportunities for engagement.

Activities must be distinguished from hypothesised mechanisms and demonstrated outcomes.

Research question: Which components and processes contribute to particular observed changes?

04 / TIME How does it develop? Duration, repetition, continuity, changing circumstances, and relationships with place.

A single encounter may be meaningful, while repeated visits may support familiarity and place attachment.

Relationships with nature may change across life stages and need not follow a predetermined progression.

Research question: How do immediate experiences relate to longer-term patterns of engagement?

Conceptual framework proposed in this article. These dimensions are not independently validated predictors of therapeutic effectiveness.

02 / Two complementary dimensions

Continuity and subjective engagement

The horizontal and vertical dimensions distinguish how regularly people engage with nature from how they subjectively experience particular encounters.

Horizontal dimension

Continuity of contact

Examines frequency, repetition, familiarity, and integration of nature contact into everyday life.

Occasional contact Regular contact

Regular engagement may provide opportunities for familiarity, but does not guarantee therapeutic improvement.

Vertical dimension

Quality of engagement

Examines sensory attention, contemplation, emotional significance, personal meaning, and perceived connectedness.

Limited conscious attention Sustained engagement

Meaningful or emotionally intense experiences are not necessarily more therapeutically effective.

Important distinction: These dimensions describe different characteristics of engagement, not levels of therapeutic success. Neither frequent contact nor subjective depth should be treated as a universally superior form of nature experience.
03 / Conceptual precision

What does “therapeutic” actually mean?

Four related concepts need to be distinguished when evaluating the therapeutic significance of nature contact.

01 / POSSIBILITY

Therapeutic potential

Environmental or experiential conditions that may support health or well-being.

Not equivalent to: demonstrated benefit.

02 / PERCEPTION

Therapeutic experience

An encounter perceived as restorative, comforting, calming, or meaningful.

Not equivalent to: clinical improvement.

03 / EVIDENCE

Therapeutic outcome

A health-related change assessed with methods appropriate to the research objective.

Requires: careful interpretation of evidence.

04 / PRACTICE

Clinical therapy

Treatment delivered within an appropriate professional, ethical, and regulatory context.

Requires: relevant professional competence.

These four concepts may overlap, but they are not interchangeable. A forest encounter may be personally meaningful without being clinical therapy, while a professionally organised activity does not necessarily achieve its intended therapeutic outcome.
04 / Professional contribution

What does the guide contribute?

A relational understanding recognises professional facilitation as one possible contribution to an experience, rather than its sole therapeutic agent.

Guided engagement

Structure and support

Guides may provide orientation, accessibility support, risk awareness, thoughtfully designed invitations, and opportunities for social or reflective engagement.

These contributions may be particularly valuable when participants face practical barriers or prefer structure.

Independent engagement

Autonomy and exploration

Individuals may encounter restoration, contemplation, nature connectedness, or personally significant experiences without professional organisation.

Independent nature contact remains a legitimate experience rather than an incomplete version of forest therapy.

The evidence does not establish that professional guidance is universally more therapeutic. Its contribution may depend on the participant, purpose, context, and outcome being assessed.
05 / Implications for research

Questions for future investigation

Open the questions below to explore the methodological implications of the relational framework.

01. What was actually undertaken?
Researchers should describe settings, participants, duration, activities, professional guidance, social arrangements, and the outcomes assessed, rather than relying exclusively on labels such as forest bathing or forest therapy.
02. Which processes might explain outcomes?
Intervention components, hypothesised mechanisms, and observed outcomes should be distinguished. A beneficial change following a session does not establish which component caused it.
03. For whom and under which conditions?
Research should investigate potential moderators, including participant preferences, previous nature contact, perceived safety, accessibility, and environmental characteristics.
04. What changes over time?
Longitudinal studies may help examine continuity of nature contact, place attachment, autonomy, changes in individual preferences, and sustained patterns of engagement.
05. What constitutes meaningful evidence?
Quantitative and qualitative approaches may address complementary questions. Subjective significance, physiological responses, social participation, and clinical improvement should be evaluated as distinct constructs.
06 / Ethical and professional implications

What should the field preserve?

A relational framework also has consequences for professional education, ecological responsibility, and the legitimacy of ordinary nature contact.

PROFESSIONAL EDUCATION Responsive facilitation Professional competence extends beyond following a predetermined protocol.
Guides should develop judgement, communication, flexibility, risk awareness, accessibility planning, and respect for participant autonomy and professional limits.
TMT® GUIDING PRINCIPLES The three Co's Co-creation, co-responsibility, and co-being.
These principles support responsive engagement, shared participation, professional accountability, and freedom from imposed emotional or experiential expectations. They are ethical orientations, not validated therapeutic mechanisms.
ECOLOGICAL RESPONSIBILITY Beyond human benefit The forest is a living environment, not merely a therapeutic resource.
Responsible forest-based practice should consider ecosystem disturbance, appropriate site use, and ecological care. Human well-being and ecological outcomes require separate evaluation.
EVERYDAY NATURE CONTACT Nature beyond therapy Ordinary experiences do not need professional validation.
Walking independently, observing a familiar tree, or spending time outdoors may be meaningful without constituting a professional intervention. Commercialisation should not make such experiences appear inadequate.

Section 14 · Concluding reflection

We may organise forest experiences, but we cannot completely prescribe the relationships that emerge through them.

The forest is more than a therapeutic setting. The participant is more than a recipient of intervention. The guide is more than the producer of an intended outcome.

What kind of relationship is developing between this person and this place, through which processes, under which conditions, and with what consequences?

Sometimes an encounter with nature may be restorative. Sometimes it may be meaningful without being therapeutic at all.

Based on Section 14, “Toward a Relational Understanding of Therapeutic Experience,” in When Does Nature Become Therapy? Conceptual proposals are distinguished from established empirical findings.

14. Toward a Relational Understanding of Therapeutic Experience

The preceding analysis suggests that Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy may be more appropriately understood as a family of overlapping practices than as a single, uniformly defined intervention characterised by universally established mechanisms, professional requirements, and therapeutic outcomes. Although these practices share an association with human engagement in forest environments, they differ considerably in their intentions, organisational structures, activities, social contexts, and relationships with participants. An independently undertaken forest walk, a contemplative encounter with a familiar tree, a professionally guided Shinrin-Yoku session, a group-based nature connectedness activity, and a forest-based intervention incorporated into clinical care may involve comparable environmental conditions while differing substantially in their organisation, experiential characteristics, and intended outcomes.

Such diversity challenges the assumption that forest-based practices can be adequately classified along a linear continuum extending from ordinary recreation to increasingly sophisticated or effective therapeutic interventions. Although this hierarchical interpretation may appear attractive within an emerging professional field seeking to establish standards, demonstrate effectiveness, and distinguish specialised services, it risks conflating organisational complexity with therapeutic efficacy. A structured activity is not necessarily more restorative than an unstructured encounter, professional guidance does not guarantee additional psychological benefit, and group participation may simultaneously facilitate companionship and limit opportunities for solitude. Conversely, a personally meaningful forest encounter may occur without an explicit intention to improve health or well-being.

These observations suggest that the central question should not be restricted to whether an activity qualifies as forest bathing, Shinrin-Yoku, or forest therapy. Rather, attention should be directed toward the conditions through which forest encounters are constituted, experienced, interpreted, and potentially associated with psychological, physiological, behavioural, or relational outcomes. Consistent with the terminological position established earlier in this article, the terms Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy are used broadly and, where appropriate, interchangeably, while distinctions are maintained when necessary to examine historical developments, professional classifications, intervention characteristics, or research designs. Such distinctions should not be interpreted as evidence that the practices necessarily represent separate therapeutic mechanisms.

A relational perspective begins with the recognition that experiences emerge through interactions among individuals, environments, activities, social relationships, and temporal circumstances. These relationships are dynamic rather than fixed. Participants may enter a forest with particular expectations that change during the encounter; environmental conditions may alter; professional invitations may be interpreted differently from their intended purposes; and spontaneous experiences may become more meaningful than planned activities. Consequently, the therapeutic character of an encounter cannot always be inferred from its external organisation or professional designation.

In previous conceptual work examining modalities of forest engagement, I proposed that human relationships with forests may develop through different configurations of contact, intention, attention, and continuity, ranging from relatively passive environmental exposure to sustained and personally meaningful engagement (Guziak, 2026a). The central argument was that forest contact should not be reduced to a single activity, professional model, or predetermined developmental sequence. Rather, it may be examined through complementary dimensions describing the frequency, structure, subjective characteristics, and integration of nature contact into everyday life.

The present section extends this perspective by proposing a relational framework organised around four interacting dimensions: person, place, process, and time. Within this broader conceptualisation, the previously proposed horizontal and vertical dimensions distinguish the continuity of nature contact from the subjective quality of engagement. The framework is presented as an interpretive and methodological synthesis rather than an independently validated explanatory model. Its purpose is to support conceptual precision, identify potentially relevant relationships, and generate empirical questions without presupposing that all forest encounters are therapeutic or that greater professional organisation necessarily produces superior outcomes.

14.1. Beyond a Single Intervention: Forest Therapy as a Family of Practices

The term forest therapy encompasses diverse practices that differ in their objectives, implementation, and professional contexts. Some programmes emphasise relaxation, sensory awareness, or stress reduction, while others prioritise contemplative practice, nature connectedness, movement, environmental learning, social participation, or reflective experience. Forest-based activities may also be incorporated into healthcare and rehabilitation programmes under the responsibility of appropriately qualified professionals. Although these practices share engagement with natural environments, their therapeutic intentions, theoretical foundations, and methods of evaluation are not necessarily equivalent.

This diversity introduces a methodological challenge. When interventions differ in duration, participant characteristics, environmental setting, activities, professional involvement, and outcome measures, the shared designation forest therapy may obscure substantial heterogeneity. Coventry et al. (2021), in a systematic review and meta-analysis of nature-based outdoor activities, identified potentially beneficial mental health outcomes while also documenting substantial variation across interventions and study populations. Similarly, Hartig et al. (2014) emphasised that relationships between natural environments and human health involve multiple possible pathways and methodological difficulties concerning exposure, context, and causal inference.

These findings caution against treating forest therapy as a standardised intervention whose effects can be generalised independently of its constituent characteristics. A two-hour guided sensory session, a self-directed forest walk, a weekly social programme, and a clinically supervised nature-based intervention may involve overlapping environmental exposures while producing different experiential and health-related consequences.

However, recognising heterogeneity does not require treating these practices as unrelated. They may share opportunities for movement, sensory engagement, attentional restoration, environmental exposure, and psychological regulation. A family-of-practices perspective therefore offers an alternative to rigid classification by acknowledging overlapping characteristics while preserving meaningful differences.

For research purposes, this approach requires detailed descriptions of what participants actually undertake, rather than reliance on professional terminology alone. Evidence obtained from one configuration of forest engagement should not automatically be interpreted as demonstrating the effectiveness of every activity described using the same designation. Equally, variation in terminology should not be assumed to establish fundamentally different therapeutic processes when intervention components substantially overlap.

14.2. From Classification to Relationship

Professional and scientific classifications commonly distinguish forest-based experiences according to their dominant organisational characteristics. A professionally facilitated session may be described as forest therapy, an activity with a predefined health-related objective may be classified as a nature-based intervention, and an independently undertaken forest walk may be categorised as recreation. Such distinctions can be useful for research reporting, programme administration, professional accountability, and healthcare regulation. Nevertheless, they do not necessarily capture the experiential complexity of the encounter.

An independent forest walk may incorporate deliberate mindfulness, emotional reflection, or personally significant engagement with a familiar environment. Conversely, a professionally guided session may primarily provide enjoyment, companionship, or curiosity without producing measurable therapeutic improvement. A participant attending a clinically integrated intervention may experience many of the same environmental and attentional processes available during ordinary nature contact, alongside additional components associated with professional assessment and treatment.

The presence or absence of professional structure should therefore not be confused with the presence or absence of therapeutic potential. A relational approach instead examines the circumstances through which an encounter unfolds: who participates, what environment is encountered, how attention and behaviour develop, which intentions and expectations are present, what forms of social or professional support are available, and which outcomes, if any, emerge.

This perspective is compatible with Gesler’s (1992) concept of therapeutic landscapes, which situates health-related experiences within interactions among physical environments, social relationships, cultural meanings, and human activities. It also corresponds with the multidimensional understanding of nature–health relationships advanced by Hartig et al. (2014).

Importantly, relational interpretation does not imply that every contextual factor contributes equally or that all combinations of engagement possess equivalent therapeutic effectiveness. Rather, it provides a framework for identifying potentially relevant dimensions and examining their relationships without assigning predetermined causal significance.

14.3. Person, Place, Process, and Time: Four Interacting Dimensions

A synthesis of the preceding discussion can be organised around four interacting dimensions: person, place, process, and time. These dimensions are proposed as a conceptual framework for describing forest encounters and investigating the conditions under which particular experiences or outcomes may develop.

The person encompasses the participant’s physical capacities, psychological circumstances, previous experiences, preferences, expectations, cultural background, sensory characteristics, and existing relationship with nature. The place refers to the ecological, physical, spatial, and sociocultural characteristics of the environment, including accessibility, familiarity, perceived safety, and environmental conditions. The process concerns how engagement develops through activities, attention, movement, stillness, reflection, professional facilitation, and social interaction. Time encompasses the duration of an encounter, repeated exposure, continuity of engagement, changing circumstances, and the possible development of longer-term relationships with places.

Table 14.1. Four interacting dimensions of forest-based experience

Dimension

Principal characteristics

Illustrative research questions

Person

Physical condition, preferences, expectations, previous experience, cultural background, sensory capacities, autonomy, and existing nature relationships

How do individual characteristics influence experiences and responses to different forms of forest engagement?

Place

Ecological characteristics, landscape configuration, accessibility, familiarity, environmental conditions, cultural meanings, and perceived safety

Which environmental characteristics are associated with particular experiences, and for whom?

Process

Activities, attentional orientation, movement, stillness, invitations, guidance, social interaction, and emerging personal meaning

Through which activities and processes might observed outcomes develop?

Time

Encounter duration, frequency, repetition, continuity, life circumstances, and changes in place relationships

How do immediate responses and longer-term patterns of engagement interact?

Note. This framework is a conceptual synthesis developed in the present article. The dimensions describe potentially relevant characteristics of experience and should not be interpreted as independently validated determinants of therapeutic effectiveness.

A related theoretical foundation can be identified in Scannell and Gifford’s (2010) tripartite framework of place attachment, which incorporates person, psychological process, and place. Their model demonstrates that relationships with environments involve affective, cognitive, behavioural, personal, and collective dimensions rather than physical settings alone. Although it was not developed specifically to explain forest therapy, it offers a relevant conceptual foundation for examining human–environment relationships.

The explicit inclusion of time in the present framework highlights the distinction between an immediate encounter and a relationship that develops through repeated engagement. Temporal processes are not absent from place-attachment research; rather, they receive particular emphasis here because duration, continuity, and changing patterns of nature contact are central to understanding forest-based practices.

A participant may experience relaxation during one visit without developing an enduring relationship with the location. Another may experience limited immediate emotional change while gradually developing familiarity through repeated encounters. A third may participate in a guided session and subsequently establish an independent practice. These possibilities illustrate why the significance of forest engagement cannot always be adequately represented by immediate post-intervention measurements.

14.4. The Person: Recognising Individual Variation

A relational understanding begins by recognising that participants do not enter natural environments with identical biological conditions, psychological needs, experiences, or expectations. Age, mobility, health status, personal memories, sensory preferences, cultural background, and previous contact with nature may influence both the feasibility and subjective character of an encounter. The same forest may be experienced as familiar and comforting by one person, unfamiliar and demanding by another, or emotionally significant for reasons unrelated to its ecological characteristics.

Differences in preferred engagement are equally important. Individuals accustomed to independent nature contact may value autonomy and minimal external direction, whereas those unfamiliar with forest environments may appreciate orientation and structured opportunities for exploration. Some participants may seek companionship, while others may regard solitude as essential to their experience. These preferences should not automatically be interpreted as deficiencies requiring professional correction; they may represent legitimate differences in individual circumstances and ways of relating to nature.

Self-Determination Theory offers a useful theoretical perspective. Ryan and Deci (2000) identified autonomy, competence, and relatedness as fundamental psychological needs associated with motivation and well-being. Although this framework does not establish the effectiveness of specific forest therapy methods, it suggests why professional structure might be experienced differently depending on whether it supports or constrains an individual’s sense of choice, capability, and interpersonal connection.

Professional guidance may therefore support engagement when it increases confidence, accessibility, or opportunities for meaningful participation. The same guidance may become unnecessarily restrictive when it limits spontaneous exploration or imposes predetermined interpretations. The appropriate degree of facilitation may consequently vary between participants and change during a single encounter.

Participants should not be conceptualised solely as passive recipients of environmental stimuli or professional techniques. They actively interpret, select, and respond to environmental possibilities. Two individuals may participate in the same activity under similar conditions yet attribute substantially different meanings to the experience. Such differences do not necessarily establish that one participant has experienced a more successful therapeutic outcome.

14.5. The Place: Environmental Characteristics and Personal Meaning

The second dimension concerns the environment in which engagement occurs. Forests differ in vegetation, terrain, biodiversity, atmospheric conditions, light, sound, microclimate, accessibility, and opportunities for movement or stillness. They also possess distinct cultural meanings, historical associations, management practices, and relationships with surrounding communities. These characteristics may influence how an encounter is perceived and which forms of engagement are possible.

The restorative qualities of an environment should not be treated as fixed properties that operate independently of individual circumstances. Gatersleben and Andrews (2013), for example, demonstrated the relevance of environmental characteristics associated with prospect and refuge to restorative experiences, illustrating that particular landscape configurations may not be experienced positively by all individuals.

The environment is therefore neither a universally restorative stimulus nor an interchangeable background for professional activities. Its ecological and physical characteristics help shape the sensory, behavioural, and experiential opportunities available to participants. Nevertheless, their significance depends partly on the relationship between the individual and the place.

Research on favourite places and place attachment is particularly relevant. Korpela et al. (2001) investigated restorative experiences and self-regulation in personally preferred environments, demonstrating the importance of places associated with relaxation, withdrawal from everyday demands, and emotional regulation. Lewicka’s (2011) review further illustrated the complexity of place attachment, including the roles of personal experience, social relationships, and cultural meanings.

These perspectives challenge the assumption that a remote, visually impressive, or professionally designated forest necessarily possesses greater therapeutic significance than an ordinary local environment. A familiar woodland, garden, or accessible green space may hold substantial personal meaning, even when it lacks characteristics commonly emphasised in commercial forest retreats.

However, personally meaningful environments should not automatically be classified as clinically therapeutic. Place attachment, perceived restoration, and measurable health improvement are related but distinct constructs. Their relationships require empirical investigation rather than conceptual equivalence.

14.6. The Process: Distinguishing Activities, Mechanisms, and Outcomes

The third dimension concerns what occurs during the encounter. Individuals may visit the same forest for comparable durations while engaging through different activities, attentional orientations, and forms of participation. Walking, sitting, observing wildlife, practising meditation, engaging in conversation, responding to guided invitations, and reflecting on personal circumstances may involve overlapping environmental exposure while producing different experiential conditions.

An important analytical distinction must be maintained between intervention components, hypothesised mechanisms, and observed outcomes. Walking represents an activity, whereas physical exertion, changes in attention, or physiological regulation may represent potential pathways through which that activity influences functioning. A sensory invitation is an intervention component, while changes in attentional orientation or emotional interpretation may constitute hypothesised processes. Group reflection is an activity, whereas perceived social support, emotional expression, or meaning-making may represent contributing processes.

The occurrence of an activity does not demonstrate that a proposed mechanism has been activated. Similarly, observing improvement after an intervention does not establish which component produced the change. Environmental exposure, physical movement, expectations, professional attention, social interaction, and contextual influences may operate simultaneously, making causal attribution difficult.

Skivington et al. (2021), in the updated Medical Research Council framework for complex interventions, emphasised the importance of programme theory, context, implementation, and interactions among intervention components. This perspective is particularly relevant to guided Shinrin-Yoku sessions, which frequently combine several potentially influential activities and contextual characteristics.

A relational analysis therefore requires investigation of the processes through which engagement develops without treating the entire session as one indivisible therapeutic mechanism. It also requires distinguishing plausible explanations from mechanisms that have been empirically demonstrated.

14.7. The Horizontal Dimension: Continuity of Nature Contact

In previous conceptual work, I proposed a horizontal dimension of forest engagement concerned with continuity of nature contact over time (Guziak, 2026a). This dimension includes the frequency of encounters, opportunities for repetition, familiarity with particular environments, and the extent to which engagement becomes incorporated into everyday routines.

An individual may encounter a forest once during travel, visit a nearby woodland several times each week, or observe a familiar tree over successive seasons. These forms of engagement differ not necessarily in their immediate intensity or personal significance but in their temporal continuity. Repeated contact may provide opportunities to recognise environmental patterns, develop familiarity, establish personal associations, and incorporate nature into ordinary life.

Nevertheless, continuity should not be interpreted as an automatic indicator of therapeutic effectiveness. Frequent visits may occur without substantial attentional engagement, perceived restoration, or psychological improvement. Conversely, a single encounter may become deeply meaningful. Regularity represents one characteristic of engagement rather than a validated measure of its therapeutic quality.

Population-level research provides a relevant, although limited, empirical perspective. White et al. (2019), analysing data from 19,806 adults in England, reported that spending at least 120 minutes per week in nature was associated with a greater likelihood of reporting good health and high well-being. Importantly, the observational design does not establish that nature contact caused these outcomes, nor does it justify interpreting 120 minutes as a universal therapeutic prescription.

The horizontal dimension therefore offers a way of investigating continuity without assuming a simple dose–response relationship. It also highlights the relevance of accessibility, transport, mobility, financial resources, occupational responsibilities, and local environmental quality. Sustained nature contact is not determined by individual motivation alone; it is shaped by social, economic, physical, and environmental opportunities.

14.8. The Vertical Dimension: Subjective Quality of Engagement

The vertical dimension proposed in my earlier work concerns the subjective character or quality of engagement during a particular encounter (Guziak, 2026a). It includes attentional orientation, sensory awareness, contemplation, emotional significance, personal meaning, and perceived connectedness with the natural environment.

Unlike the horizontal dimension, which describes continuity across encounters, the vertical dimension concerns how nature is experienced within an encounter. However, the concept of depth requires particular caution. It should not be interpreted as a universally measurable degree of therapeutic achievement or as a hierarchy in which contemplative, emotionally intense, or spiritually interpreted experiences are necessarily superior to ordinary enjoyment.

A person experiencing profound stillness is not necessarily more connected to nature than someone observing birds with curiosity. Gratitude does not establish a higher level of engagement than ecological interest, and emotional intensity does not demonstrate clinical improvement. The vertical dimension is therefore best understood as a heuristic for examining qualitative differences in experience, not as a validated scale of therapeutic depth.

Research on nature connectedness provides a relevant theoretical perspective. Lumber et al. (2017) identified contact, emotion, compassion, meaning, and beauty as pathways associated with nature connection. These findings indicate that the ways individuals attend to and emotionally interpret the natural world may be relevant to the development of connectedness.

Nevertheless, nature connectedness should not be equated with therapeutic effectiveness, and the identified pathways should not be interpreted as a universal sequence through which meaningful engagement must progress. A guided invitation may encourage attention to beauty, emotion, or personal meaning, but comparable forms of engagement may develop spontaneously and independently.

The vertical dimension also accommodates experiences that are meaningful without being immediately pleasant. Curiosity, sadness, uncertainty, gratitude, and a sense of belonging may all arise during nature contact. Their subjective significance should be recognised without automatically interpreting them as beneficial therapeutic outcomes.

14.9. Horizontal and Vertical Engagement: Complementary Rather Than Hierarchical Dimensions

The relationship between continuity and subjective engagement provides a way of examining diverse patterns of forest contact without arranging them into predetermined levels of therapeutic value. Frequent engagement may coexist with relatively limited conscious reflection, while infrequent encounters may possess considerable personal significance. Other individuals may combine sustained contact with attentional engagement and strong place attachment.

These configurations should not be interpreted as fixed categories of people. The same individual may experience different combinations of continuity and subjective engagement depending on environmental conditions, intentions, available time, and changing circumstances.

Nor should particular combinations be assigned predetermined therapeutic rankings. Frequent nature contact may create opportunities for movement, familiarity, restoration, or habitual engagement, while personally meaningful encounters may contribute to reflection, motivation, or perceived connectedness. However, neither continuity nor subjective significance independently guarantees psychological or physiological improvement.

Several relationships can be proposed for empirical investigation. Repeated contact may facilitate familiarity and the development of place attachment. Meaningful experiences may increase motivation to return. Existing nature connectedness may encourage individuals to seek more frequent contact. Accessibility and environmental quality may influence both continuity and subjective engagement.

These possibilities also raise questions of causal direction and reciprocal influence. The relationship between frequency and meaningful engagement may be bidirectional, context-dependent, or mediated by additional factors. Consequently, the horizontal and vertical dimensions should be treated as potentially interacting descriptive constructs rather than established causal determinants of well-being.

14.10. From Environmental Exposure to Relationships With Place

The distinction between isolated encounters and sustained engagement becomes particularly relevant when considering place attachment. Whereas a single forest visit may be associated with immediate psychological or physiological responses, an enduring relationship with a place involves additional processes through which familiarity, memories, meanings, and routines develop.

Repeated visits may allow individuals to recognise particular trees, paths, seasonal changes, or ecological patterns. The environment may become associated with personal events, emotional experiences, contemplative practices, or everyday activities. Over time, the location may acquire significance extending beyond its immediate sensory characteristics.

Korpela et al. (2001) demonstrated that favourite places may contribute to restorative experiences and self-regulation, while Scannell and Gifford (2010) conceptualised place attachment through interconnected personal, psychological, and environmental dimensions. Together, these perspectives suggest that human–environment relationships cannot always be adequately understood through short-term exposure measures.

However, place attachment should not be conceptualised as inherently therapeutic. Relationships with places may involve grief, loss, anxiety, difficult memories, or distress associated with environmental change. A strong attachment to a forest does not guarantee positive emotional responses during every encounter, nor does it necessarily establish clinical improvement.

The relevance of place attachment lies in expanding the analytical perspective beyond immediate restoration. It directs attention toward how environments become incorporated into personal histories and ongoing relationships, while preserving the distinction between relational meaning and measurable therapeutic outcomes.

14.11. Professional Guidance as One Component of Relational Experience

A relational perspective requires reconsideration of professional guidance without diminishing its potential value. Rather than conceptualising the guide as the primary producer of therapeutic effects, guidance may be understood as one component within a wider configuration of environmental, personal, social, and experiential conditions.

Guides may contribute environmental knowledge, risk awareness, orientation, accessibility planning, appropriately designed activities, and opportunities for reflection or social participation. These contributions may be particularly relevant for individuals unfamiliar with natural environments, those experiencing uncertainty, or participants who prefer structured engagement.

However, empirical comparisons do not consistently establish the superiority of professionally guided experiences across outcomes. Kim and Shin (2021), in a study involving 37 undergraduate students, compared self-guided and guided forest therapy through participants’ written reflections. Self-guided participants more frequently described introspection, whereas guided participants more frequently reported themes associated with emotional change and social interaction. These findings indicate differences in the experiences emphasised by participants, but they should not be interpreted as demonstrating universally greater therapeutic efficacy for either format.

Similarly, Lim et al. (2020), in a study involving 51 participants, compared guided and unguided nature immersion and found improvements in mood and nature connectedness across both conditions. The study did not identify statistically significant between-condition differences in changes in mood, nature connectedness, or heart rate. These findings suggest that additional guidance did not produce consistently detectable benefits for the outcomes investigated within that particular study. They do not establish that guidance is ineffective in other populations, environmental settings, or intervention configurations.

The available evidence therefore supports a differentiated interpretation. Guidance may influence how an encounter is organised and experienced, including opportunities for social interaction, reflection, or attentional engagement, without necessarily producing superior outcomes across all participants and measures.

In previous work examining the professional role of guides, I argued that facilitation may be particularly valuable when it reduces barriers to nature contact or introduces possibilities for engagement that participants might not otherwise have considered (Guziak, 2026b). This position does not imply that all individuals require professional guidance. Rather, the relevance of guiding should be considered in relation to participant characteristics, objectives, accessibility needs, and the particular contribution that professional facilitation may offer.

14.12. Scaffolded Engagement: Supporting Structure Without Controlling Experience

The TMT® Scaffolded Model of Engagement provides a pedagogical framework for considering how professional structure may support participant autonomy during guided Shinrin-Yoku sessions (Guziak, 2023). The model proposes that engagement can be facilitated through appropriately sequenced opportunities that support orientation and participation while progressively allowing greater freedom, personal choice, and independent exploration.

The underlying intention is not to produce identical experiences or predetermined emotional responses. Instead, the guide provides an adaptable structure while remaining responsive to participant needs, environmental conditions, and the emerging character of the encounter.

This approach is conceptually relevant to both horizontal and vertical dimensions of engagement. During an individual session, guidance may introduce opportunities for sensory attention, reflection, or exploration that influence the subjective character of participation. Beyond the session, these experiences may encourage some participants to revisit natural environments independently or incorporate particular forms of engagement into everyday life.

These relationships remain hypotheses rather than demonstrated effects of the model. The extent to which scaffolded guidance influences long-term independent nature contact, autonomy, or therapeutic outcomes requires empirical evaluation.

The pedagogical significance of scaffolding lies partly in challenging the assumption that structure and autonomy are necessarily opposing conditions. Appropriate structure may increase perceived competence and make engagement more accessible, whereas excessive direction may constrain spontaneity or reduce opportunities for personally meaningful exploration.

Professional competence may therefore involve recognising when guidance is beneficial and when restraint is more appropriate. An effective session does not necessarily require continuous professional intervention. The ability to accommodate participants’ emerging relationships with the environment may be as important as the ability to design and implement planned activities.

14.13. Social Context: Companionship, Solitude, and Co-Experience

Forest engagement occurs within varying social arrangements, including solitude, informal companionship, community participation, and professionally guided groups. These arrangements may influence perceived safety, interpersonal connection, attentional orientation, emotional expression, and opportunities for reflection.

However, group participation should not automatically be equated with social connectedness, just as solitude should not be interpreted as loneliness or reduced well-being. The significance of social context depends on individual preferences, relationship quality, perceived safety, and the opportunities afforded by the encounter.

Staats and Hartig (2004) demonstrated the relevance of companionship and solitude to anticipated psychological restoration and environmental preferences, suggesting that social context interacts with perceived safety and situational characteristics. Kim and Shin (2021) similarly identified differences in the prominence of introspective and socially oriented themes between self-guided and guided forest therapy experiences.

These findings suggest that the influence of social arrangements cannot be adequately assessed through the number of participants alone. A group may provide belonging, reassurance, or shared enjoyment for one individual while creating self-consciousness or distraction for another. The same person may prefer solitude during one encounter and companionship during another.

The concept of co-experiencing, considered earlier in this article, is relevant here. Individuals may participate in a shared environmental encounter while constructing different interpretations and personal meanings. Shared circumstances do not produce uniform experiences.

A relational framework therefore treats social context as a potentially influential but non-universal component of engagement. Its significance should be examined in relation to participant preferences, interpersonal processes, and the outcomes under investigation.

14.14. Time, Life Circumstances, and Changing Relationships With Nature

Human relationships with nature are not necessarily stable across the lifespan. Changes in physical capacity, psychological circumstances, family responsibilities, place of residence, occupational demands, social relationships, and personal interests may alter both access to natural environments and preferred forms of engagement.

An individual may favour physically demanding activities during one period of life and contemplative encounters during another. Someone living in a highly urbanised environment may experience limited forest access, while later circumstances may create opportunities for regular engagement. A person accustomed to solitary nature contact may seek group activities during a period of social transition, whereas another may move from professionally guided experiences toward independent participation.

Such changes should not automatically be interpreted as progress or regression. They may represent adaptations to changing circumstances, needs, and preferences.

The temporal dimension therefore extends beyond the frequency or duration of individual visits. It includes the changing relationship between participants and their environments across different periods of life.

For professional practice, this implies that participant characteristics should not be treated as fixed attributes. Preferences, capacities, and requirements for support may change between sessions or within the same encounter. Relationally responsive facilitation requires continued attention to these changes rather than reliance on predetermined assumptions concerning the ideal form of nature engagement.

14.15. Therapeutic Experience Does Not Correspond to a Single Outcome

A relational framework also requires greater precision in the evaluation of therapeutic benefit. Nature-based intervention research commonly examines perceived stress, mood, attention, psychological distress, and physiological indicators. These outcomes are relevant to assessing particular health-related claims, but they do not encompass every consequence of forest engagement.

Additional outcomes may include increased confidence in accessing natural environments, stronger perceived nature connectedness, familiarity with particular places, opportunities for social participation, changes in environmental attitudes, or the development of independent nature engagement. Such outcomes may be meaningful to participants and relevant to wider understandings of well-being.

Nevertheless, they should not be treated as interchangeable with clinical improvement. Increased confidence in entering a forest does not necessarily demonstrate reduced anxiety symptoms. Stronger place attachment does not establish improved physiological stress regulation. Greater environmental concern does not necessarily indicate psychological restoration.

This distinction is important because an excessively broad use of the term therapeutic risks incorporating nearly every desirable or meaningful consequence of nature contact. Such conceptual expansion weakens the precision required for scientific investigation and professional communication.

A responsible evaluative framework should therefore specify the outcomes being investigated, explain why those outcomes are relevant, and distinguish changes in health-related functioning from other dimensions of human–environment relationships.

Recognising the value of broader relational outcomes does not require classifying them as clinical treatment effects. Their significance may extend beyond therapeutic objectives and should be examined using methods appropriate to the constructs concerned.

14.16. Distinguishing Therapeutic Potential, Experience, Outcome, and Clinical Intervention

The distinction between therapeutic potential, subjective therapeutic experience, and demonstrated therapeutic outcome remains essential to the present framework. An additional distinction concerns the professional and institutional conditions under which an activity may constitute clinical therapy.

Therapeutic potential refers to the possibility that particular environmental or experiential conditions may support health or well-being. Forests may offer opportunities for movement, sensory engagement, perceived restoration, attentional regulation, contemplation, and social interaction. However, the presence of such opportunities does not establish that beneficial effects will occur.

Subjective therapeutic experience concerns how individuals perceive and interpret an encounter. Participants may describe a forest visit as calming, restorative, comforting, or personally transformative. These accounts provide evidence concerning subjective experience but do not, by themselves, establish clinical improvement or identify the mechanisms responsible.

Demonstrated therapeutic outcome refers to an observed change relevant to a specified health-related objective and assessed through appropriate methods. Evidence concerning improvement must be interpreted in relation to the study design, measurement quality, comparison conditions, and limitations of causal inference.

Clinical therapy or treatment additionally concerns the purpose, professional competence, governance, and regulatory context in which an intervention is delivered. A forest-based activity incorporated into treatment under the responsibility of an appropriately qualified healthcare professional differs institutionally and ethically from a recreational or educational forest experience, even when some activities overlap.

These distinctions are complementary rather than mutually exclusive. An encounter may possess therapeutic potential without producing measurable improvement; it may be experienced as meaningful without meeting clinical criteria; or it may produce physiological changes without being consciously interpreted as therapeutic. Similarly, an intervention may be organised with therapeutic intentions without achieving its intended outcomes.

Maintaining these distinctions helps prevent circular reasoning in which an activity is assumed to be therapeutic because it is professionally labelled as such, and its designation is subsequently treated as evidence of effectiveness. Therapeutic claims must remain independently evaluable.

14.17. An Integrated Relational Framework for Describing Forest Encounters

The four interacting dimensions of person, place, process, and time provide a broad conceptual structure. For research and professional reporting, this structure can be further operationalised through characteristics that describe how a particular encounter is organised and experienced.

Table 14.2. Descriptive characteristics and their potential research relevance

Characteristic

Descriptive focus

Potential research relevance

Intention

Reasons for engaging with nature, including recreation, contemplation, social contact, or health-related objectives

Expectations, motivation, and alignment between objectives and outcomes

Environmental setting

Physical, ecological, spatial, and cultural characteristics of the location

Environmental influences, accessibility, and contextual variation

Participant characteristics

Capacities, preferences, previous experience, health status, and existing nature relationships

Moderators of experience and intervention response

Activities

Movement, stillness, sensory exercises, reflection, and spontaneous exploration

Intervention components and behavioural processes

Professional guidance

Presence, intensity, content, and responsiveness of facilitation

Contribution of professional structure and support

Social arrangement

Solitary participation, informal companionship, or organised group interaction

Social support, perceived safety, and interpersonal experience

Subjective engagement

Attention, emotional response, meaning, contemplation, and perceived connectedness

Phenomenological and psychological characteristics

Continuity

Frequency, repetition, duration, and integration into everyday life

Longitudinal engagement and development of place relationships

Outcomes

Psychological, physiological, behavioural, social, relational, or ecological changes

Evaluation of explicitly defined effects and their significance

Note. These characteristics are proposed as descriptive and analytical categories. They are not mutually exclusive, and their presence does not establish therapeutic effectiveness. The framework has not yet undergone independent empirical validation.

The purpose of this framework is not to determine in advance which configuration is most therapeutic. Highly structured experiences may be brief or sustained; unstructured encounters may occur occasionally or regularly; strong subjective connectedness may emerge with or without guidance; and participants may attend organised sessions for reasons unrelated to clinical objectives.

The relevance of a particular configuration depends partly on the individual, the context, and the outcome being considered. Structured group participation may improve accessibility or social engagement for some individuals, while independent solitary encounters may provide greater freedom for reflection for others.

These possibilities suggest that forest experiences should be described through interacting characteristics rather than assigned predetermined therapeutic rankings.

14.18. Implications for Research Design and Causal Interpretation

The relational framework has several methodological implications. First, studies of Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy should report intervention characteristics sufficiently precisely to permit interpretation, replication, and meaningful comparison. Terminological descriptions alone are inadequate when programmes differ substantially in their components and delivery.

Research reporting should therefore specify participant characteristics, environmental conditions, session duration, activities, professional qualifications and involvement, degree of structure, social arrangements, and outcome measures. Relevant contextual factors, including weather, accessibility, familiarity, and perceived safety, should also be considered where feasible.

Second, research should distinguish intervention components from hypothesised mechanisms and measured outcomes. A sensory exercise may be designed to influence attention, but the intended attentional process should not be assumed to occur merely because the activity was delivered. Likewise, improved mood following a guided session does not independently establish whether the change resulted from environmental exposure, movement, expectation, social interaction, facilitation, or their combined influence.

Third, the framework encourages investigation of moderators and individual variation. Existing nature connectedness, familiarity, preferences for autonomy or companionship, environmental accessibility, and perceived safety may influence how participants respond to different intervention configurations. These possibilities require empirical testing rather than retrospective interpretation alone.

Fourth, comparative designs may investigate guided and unguided engagement, different degrees of structure, solitary and group participation, or contrasting environmental settings. Where feasible and ethically appropriate, randomised designs and carefully selected comparison conditions may help clarify the contribution of particular components. However, complex interventions present challenges because manipulating one component may simultaneously alter expectations, pacing, social interaction, and attentional orientation.

Finally, mixed-methods approaches may be particularly useful. Quantitative measures can investigate specified changes, while qualitative methods can examine personal meaning, attentional experience, participant interpretations, and the perceived role of professional guidance. Neither methodological approach should be treated as a substitute for the other, and subjective reports should not be interpreted as direct proof of physiological mechanisms.

The framework’s methodological value lies in making these distinctions explicit while recognising that causal relationships remain difficult to isolate within complex environmental experiences.

14.19. Longitudinal and Individual-Level Perspectives

Research designs centred on measurements immediately before and after individual forest-based activities provide useful information about short-term responses. However, they offer limited insight into how relationships with nature develop, change, or become incorporated into everyday life.

A participant may experience immediate mood improvement following one guided session without subsequently increasing nature contact. Another may report little short-term change but develop confidence in visiting forests independently. A third may establish regular engagement after discovering an accessible environment, while someone else may continue to value occasional encounters without developing a habitual practice.

These different trajectories cannot be adequately understood through a single post-session assessment. Longitudinal approaches could examine changes in nature contact, familiarity, place attachment, autonomy, psychological functioning, and the meanings attributed to engagement.

Repeated-measures and individual-level analyses may also reveal patterns obscured by average group effects. Participants may differ in their responses to guidance, social interaction, environmental familiarity, or opportunities for independent exploration. Such variation may be especially relevant to professional practice, where responsiveness to individual circumstances is often necessary.

Nevertheless, longitudinal associations would remain subject to confounding, selective participation, and reverse causation. Individuals with stronger existing nature connectedness may be more likely to increase their engagement, while improvements in health or life circumstances may independently increase access to natural environments.

The horizontal and vertical dimensions should therefore be investigated as descriptive characteristics whose relationships with particular outcomes remain uncertain. Greater frequency, continuity, or subjective intensity should not be presumed to produce progressively greater therapeutic benefit.

14.20. Implications for Professional Education and Competence

The relational framework also has implications for the education, assessment, and ethical responsibilities of Shinrin-Yoku guides. Professional competence should not be defined exclusively through the ability to deliver a predetermined sequence of invitations. It also involves environmental awareness, risk assessment, accessibility considerations, communication, responsive facilitation, respect for individual differences, and recognition of the limits of professional responsibility.

Within The Mindful Tourist’s educational framework, the principles of co-creation, co-responsibility, and co-being provide an ethical and pedagogical orientation toward guiding as a relational practice rather than an attempt to control participant experience.

Co-creation recognises that encounters develop through interactions among participants, environments, activities, and facilitation. Co-responsibility emphasises communication, informed participation, and shared awareness of the conditions of engagement without transferring the guide’s professional responsibilities to participants. Co-being recognises the legitimacy of participation without requiring individuals to demonstrate particular emotions, interpretations, or outcomes.

These principles are educational and ethical commitments rather than independently validated therapeutic mechanisms. Their significance lies in supporting a professional approach that preserves participant autonomy while maintaining appropriate responsibility for safety, boundaries, and the organisation of the encounter.

A guide may facilitate attentional engagement without claiming to create the participant’s capacity for perception, support reflection without determining its meaning, and organise social participation without requiring emotional disclosure. Equally, a guide must recognise when participants’ needs exceed the professional scope of a Shinrin-Yoku session and require appropriately qualified healthcare or mental health support.

Professional education may therefore benefit from emphasising judgement, flexibility, ethical restraint, and responsiveness alongside environmental knowledge and activity design. The ability to recognise when less intervention is appropriate may itself constitute an important aspect of professional competence.

14.21. Ecological Responsibility in a Relational Framework

A relational understanding of therapeutic experience also requires attention to the ecological conditions within which human engagement occurs. Forests are not merely passive settings available for human restoration; they are living ecosystems containing organisms, ecological processes, and relationships whose significance extends beyond visitor experiences.

Professional activities take place within these systems and may affect them through movement, group size, repeated use, noise, disturbance, or other forms of environmental interaction. Consequently, responsible facilitation should include consideration of ecological sensitivity, appropriate site use, and the minimisation of avoidable disturbance.

However, ecological responsibility should remain analytically distinct from therapeutic effectiveness. A participant who reports stronger nature connectedness does not necessarily adopt conservation behaviours. A session associated with improved mood does not automatically produce ecological benefits. Similarly, an environmentally responsible activity may successfully minimise disturbance without producing measurable psychological improvement.

These distinctions prevent assumptions that human restoration and ecological regeneration are necessarily the same process. They may be related under particular circumstances, but their outcomes and mechanisms require separate investigation.

The relational framework therefore situates human well-being within wider ecological conditions while preserving the independent significance of environmental responsibility. The forest is not valuable solely because it may contribute to human health.

14.22. Preserving the Legitimacy of Ordinary Nature Contact

One of the most important ethical implications of the relational framework concerns the legitimacy of nature engagement outside professional services. When forest experiences are understood through multiple interacting dimensions rather than a hierarchy of increasingly therapeutic activities, ordinary contact with nature need not be represented as an incomplete or inferior form of forest therapy.

Individuals may walk independently, sit beneath familiar trees, observe seasonal changes, engage in contemplation, or spend time outdoors without identifying health improvement as their purpose. Such encounters may be personally meaningful and may also be associated with psychological or physiological responses. Nevertheless, they do not require professional organisation or therapeutic classification to possess value.

This distinction is particularly important within a commercial field in which professional services, training programmes, certification systems, and specialised experiences are increasingly promoted through health-related language. Professional guidance may offer genuine benefits through accessibility, structure, orientation, environmental knowledge, and social opportunities. However, its value should not depend on portraying independent nature engagement as inherently inadequate.

The professionalisation of forest-based practices should therefore be distinguished from the expansion of claims concerning therapeutic necessity. Establishing competent services and ethical standards does not require assigning lower status to ordinary human–nature relationships.

A participant may initially attend a guided session, subsequently develop an independent practice, occasionally return for group experiences, and continue encountering nature in informal ways. Such movement should not be interpreted as progression toward or regression from a supposedly superior therapeutic form. It may reflect changing preferences, capacities, interests, and circumstances.

Preserving space for ordinary nature contact is consequently both a conceptual and ethical consideration. It protects the distinction between professional intervention and everyday experience while recognising that meaningful human–environment relationships extend beyond commercial and institutional boundaries.

14.23. Discussion: Under What Conditions Does Nature Become Therapeutic?

The relational framework developed in this section returns to the central question of the article: When does an encounter with nature become therapeutic? The preceding analysis suggests that the answer cannot be determined exclusively by the physical setting, professional title, activity structure, participant intention, or subjective intensity of the experience.

A forest may provide environmental conditions associated with psychological or physiological restoration. Participants may engage through movement, attention, reflection, sensory perception, or spontaneous exploration. Guides may contribute orientation, structure, accessibility, and professional support. Social companions may influence feelings of safety, belonging, or enjoyment. Personal histories and repeated encounters may contribute to the meanings attributed to particular places.

These dimensions can interact, but their presence does not establish that a therapeutic outcome has occurred. Therapeutic potential concerns what environmental and experiential conditions may make possible. Subjective therapeutic experience concerns how an encounter is interpreted. Demonstrated therapeutic outcomes concern changes supported by appropriate evidence. Clinical therapy additionally depends on treatment purpose, professional competence, and applicable governance.

A relational understanding therefore does not eliminate the need for classification. Rather, it clarifies the different questions that classifications are intended to address. The designation of an activity, the professional status of its provider, the experience reported by participants, and the outcomes established through research represent different forms of information. None should automatically substitute for the others.

The framework further suggests that therapeutic experience should not be conceptualised as the exclusive product of one identifiable agent. Environmental conditions may contribute to physiological or psychological responses without being sufficient to explain them. Professional facilitation may influence opportunities for engagement without determining how they are experienced. Participants contribute through their histories, expectations, attention, behaviour, and interpretations, while temporal continuity and social circumstances may modify the wider significance of the encounter.

From this perspective, the therapeutic character of an experience is better treated as a possible property or consequence of the interaction among person, place, process, and time, rather than as an essential attribute of the forest, the activity, or the professional who organises it.

However, this proposition remains conceptual. It does not demonstrate that all identified dimensions exert causal effects, nor does it establish that relational complexity itself produces therapeutic benefit. Its purpose is to identify the relationships that require investigation and prevent premature attribution of outcomes to professional labels or isolated components.

The framework also allows recognition that the significance of an encounter may extend beyond therapeutic objectives. Enjoyment, curiosity, learning, contemplation, aesthetic appreciation, ecological awareness, belonging, and ordinary presence may possess value without being interpreted as treatment outcomes.

The central conceptual question may therefore be expanded. Rather than asking only whether a particular encounter qualifies as forest therapy, it becomes necessary to ask what relationship is developing between an individual and an environment, through which activities and processes, under which conditions, and with what demonstrable or personally perceived consequences.

This formulation preserves therapeutic inquiry while avoiding the assumption that every meaningful relationship with nature must be explained through a clinical framework.

14.24. Conclusion: From Therapeutic Categories to Human–Forest Relationships

The development of Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy has contributed to increasing scientific, professional, and public interest in relationships between natural environments and human well-being. Research has identified associations between certain forms of nature contact and psychological or physiological outcomes, while professional education has introduced methods for organising, facilitating, and evaluating forest-based experiences. Institutional development has also supported professional identity, training standards, and specialised services.

Nevertheless, these developments do not establish that forest therapy constitutes one uniform intervention or that professional organisation necessarily produces greater therapeutic effectiveness than independent nature engagement. The diversity of forest-based practices, participants, settings, and outcomes requires a more differentiated conceptual approach.

The relational framework proposed in this section offers one such approach by examining forest encounters through the interacting dimensions of person, place, process, and time. The person contributes physical capacities, psychological circumstances, memories, preferences, expectations, and interpretation. The place contributes ecological, spatial, sensory, and cultural conditions. The process encompasses activities, attention, movement, reflection, social interaction, and professional facilitation. Time concerns duration, repetition, changing life circumstances, and the possible development of longer-term relationships with environments.

These dimensions are not presented as independent therapeutic mechanisms or as components of a universally applicable causal sequence. Rather, they describe the conditions through which experiences may develop and identify variables relevant to scientific investigation.

The previously proposed horizontal and vertical dimensions further distinguish continuity of engagement from its subjective quality (Guziak, 2026a). They provide complementary perspectives on how human–nature relationships may differ in frequency, familiarity, attention, and personal significance. However, they should not be interpreted as validated measures of therapeutic depth, nor should their combinations be assigned predetermined rankings of effectiveness.

The relationship between these dimensions remains open to empirical investigation. Repeated contact may facilitate familiarity and attachment, while meaningful encounters may influence motivation for subsequent engagement. Existing nature connectedness, accessibility, environmental characteristics, and changing circumstances may modify both continuity and subjective experience. Clarifying these relationships will require theoretically informed, methodologically rigorous, and context-sensitive research.

The framework also provides a more precise interpretation of professional guidance. A guide may contribute to accessibility, risk awareness, environmental orientation, appropriately designed activities, and opportunities for reflection or social participation. These contributions may be especially valuable for individuals who prefer structure or face barriers to independent engagement. However, the guide does not determine all the environmental, psychological, physiological, and social processes through which an encounter unfolds.

Professional responsibility should therefore be understood in relation to the conditions that can reasonably be organised, supported, and safeguarded, rather than through an assumption of control over participant experiences or outcomes. Effective facilitation may involve introducing structure, responding to individual needs, preserving autonomy, and recognising when spontaneous engagement or independent exploration is more appropriate.

The framework further clarifies that therapeutic success cannot be reduced to a single outcome. Immediate mood improvement, stress reduction, increased nature connectedness, greater confidence, place attachment, social participation, and independent engagement represent distinct constructs. Each requires appropriate methods of evaluation, and improvement in one domain should not automatically be interpreted as evidence of improvement in another.

This distinction is particularly important for maintaining scientific credibility. A mature field should remain clear about what has been demonstrated empirically, what remains theoretically plausible, and what is proposed as a conceptual or pedagogical framework. Such clarity does not diminish the potential value of forest-based experiences; it allows that value to be investigated and communicated without unnecessary generalisation.

At the same time, the relational approach preserves the legitimacy of forest encounters that are not undertaken for therapeutic purposes. Not every forest visit needs to be organised around stress reduction, not every meaningful moment requires professional facilitation, and not every form of nature connectedness should be interpreted as a health intervention.

An individual may enter a forest through curiosity, recreation, contemplation, companionship, or simply a desire to be present. The encounter may involve relaxation, uncertainty, enjoyment, discomfort, reflection, or no particularly noticeable change. These possibilities belong to the diversity of human experience and need not be arranged into a hierarchy of therapeutic achievement.

The increasing recognition of the health-related benefits of natural environments should therefore not require the reclassification of ordinary human–nature relationships as professional therapy. Nor should the professional development of Shinrin-Yoku depend on asserting that therapeutic value originates primarily from organised intervention.

The distinction is both scientific and ethical. When forest therapy is presented as a health-related service, evidence, professional competence, informed participation, appropriate boundaries, and accountability remain essential. When nature is encountered independently, its significance need not be justified through therapeutic terminology.

The central proposition of the relational framework is therefore that the therapeutic character of a forest encounter is not an inherent property of the place, the activity, or the professional designation. It is a possible experience or outcome arising under particular configurations of personal, environmental, experiential, social, and temporal conditions.

This proposition does not eliminate the need for scientific classifications, professional standards, or carefully defined interventions. Instead, it places these developments within the wider context of human–environment relationships and acknowledges that no single classification can fully represent the diversity of experiences occurring within them.

It also invites a reconsideration of what professional and scientific maturity may require. Rather than seeking to establish that one form of engagement is universally superior, the field may benefit from identifying which approaches are appropriate for particular individuals, circumstances, objectives, and outcomes. Rather than treating meaningful experiences as evidence of clinical effectiveness, research can investigate the conditions under which subjective significance and measurable health-related changes converge or diverge.

Perhaps the most important contribution of this perspective is its recognition that forest encounters are neither entirely prescribed by professional structure nor completely explained by environmental exposure. They develop through relationships that can be supported, described, and investigated, but not wholly determined in advance.

The forest remains a living environment whose significance extends beyond therapeutic use. The participant remains an active contributor to the encounter rather than merely a recipient of intervention. The guide may provide valuable facilitation without claiming ownership of the resulting experience. Social relationships may influence engagement without determining what each individual perceives or feels. Repeated contact may develop into familiarity and attachment without guaranteeing therapeutic improvement.

Ultimately, the question When does nature become therapy? may be most productively approached not by seeking a single boundary between ordinary nature contact and professionally organised intervention, but by examining the circumstances under which particular forms of human–nature engagement are associated with demonstrable health-related changes.

An equally important question remains: What kind of relationship is developing between this person and this place, through which processes, under which conditions, and with what consequences?

Such an inquiry accommodates therapeutic effects while preserving the broader value of environmental experience. It allows for restoration without assuming that every encounter restores, for professional guidance without assuming that every participant requires it, and for personal meaning without requiring that meaning to be classified as treatment.

We may organise forest experiences, investigate their effects, and develop professional methods to support them. However, the relationships that emerge through these encounters cannot be entirely prescribed.

A forest may contribute to health without becoming a clinical therapist. A participant may experience meaning without seeking treatment. A guide may facilitate engagement without determining its consequences.

And sometimes, an encounter with nature may remain profoundly meaningful without needing to become therapy at all.

References

Coventry, P. A., Brown, J. V. E., Pervin, J., Brabyn, S., Pateman, R., Breedvelt, J., Gilbody, S., Stancliffe, R., McEachan, R., & White, P. C. L. (2021). Nature-based outdoor activities for mental and physical health: Systematic review and meta-analysis. SSM – Population Health, 16, Article 100934. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ssmph.2021.100934

Gatersleben, B., & Andrews, M. (2013). When walking in nature is not restorative—The role of prospect and refuge. Health & Place, 20, 91–101. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.healthplace.2013.01.001

Gesler, W. M. (1992). Therapeutic landscapes: Medical issues in light of the new cultural geography. Social Science & Medicine, 34(7), 735–746. https://doi.org/10.1016/0277-9536(92)90360-3

Guziak, M. A. (2023). Scaffolded model of engagement for facilitating guided forest therapy sessions. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI120230518en5

Guziak, M. A. (2026a). Spending time in the forest: Modalities of engagement, connection, and care. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI3202602-EN-2

Guziak, M. A. (2026b). Why we need forest therapy guides. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI3202601en

Hartig, T., Mitchell, R., de Vries, S., & Frumkin, H. (2014). Nature and health. Annual Review of Public Health, 35, 207–228. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-publhealth-032013-182443

Kim, J.-G., & Shin, W.-S. (2021). Forest therapy alone or with a guide: Is there a difference between self-guided forest therapy and guided forest therapy programs? International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 18(13), Article 6957. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18136957

Korpela, K. M., Hartig, T., Kaiser, F. G., & Fuhrer, U. (2001). Restorative experience and self-regulation in favorite places. Environment and Behavior, 33(4), 572–589. https://doi.org/10.1177/00139160121973133

Lewicka, M. (2011). Place attachment: How far have we come in the last 40 years? Journal of Environmental Psychology, 31(3), 207–230. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jenvp.2010.10.001

Lim, P. Y., Dillon, D., & Chew, P. K. H. (2020). A guide to nature immersion: Psychological and physiological benefits. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 17(16), Article 5989. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17165989

Lumber, R., Richardson, M., & Sheffield, D. (2017). Beyond knowing nature: Contact, emotion, compassion, meaning, and beauty are pathways to nature connection. PLOS ONE, 12(5), Article e0177186. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0177186

Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2000). Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development, and well-being. American Psychologist, 55(1), 68–78. https://doi.org/10.1037/0003-066X.55.1.68

Scannell, L., & Gifford, R. (2010). Defining place attachment: A tripartite organizing framework. Journal of Environmental Psychology, 30(1), 1–10. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jenvp.2009.09.006

Skivington, K., Matthews, L., Simpson, S. A., Craig, P., Baird, J., Blazeby, J. M., Boyd, K. A., Craig, N., French, D. P., McIntosh, E., Petticrew, M., Rycroft-Malone, J., White, M., & Moore, L. (2021). A new framework for developing and evaluating complex interventions: Update of Medical Research Council guidance. BMJ, 374, Article n2061. https://doi.org/10.1136/bmj.n2061

Staats, H., & Hartig, T. (2004). Alone or with a friend: A social context for psychological restoration and environmental preferences. Journal of Environmental Psychology, 24(2), 199–211. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jenvp.2003.12.005

White, M. P., Alcock, I., Grellier, J., Wheeler, B. W., Hartig, T., Warber, S. L., Bone, A., Depledge, M. H., & Fleming, L. E. (2019). Spending at least 120 minutes a week in nature is associated with good health and wellbeing. Scientific Reports, 9, Article 7730. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-019-44097-3

When Does Nature Become Therapy? · Section 15

Implications for Research

Research on Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy has identified promising psychological and physiological responses to nature exposure. Yet important questions remain concerning mechanisms, professional guidance, participant differences, and the conditions under which particular outcomes arise.

Beyond asking whether forest therapy works, we must investigate what works, for whom, through which processes, and under what circumstances.
01 · Conceptual foundation

Four dimensions of forest engagement

The relational framework introduced in Section 14 provides a conceptual structure for generating research questions. It is a heuristic framework, not a validated causal model.

01

Person

Individual preferences, experience, expectations, capacities, and circumstances.

For whom might particular forms of forest engagement be beneficial?
02

Place

Ecological setting, accessibility, environmental conditions, familiarity, and meaning.

How does the environment influence the experience and its outcomes?
03

Process

Sensory engagement, physical activity, guidance, reflection, autonomy, and social interaction.

Which components contribute to particular outcomes?
04

Time

Duration, frequency, repetition, continuity, and developing relationships with nature.

How do effects and relationships evolve beyond a single session?
02 · Research interpretation

Three different levels of evidence

A programme's intention, a participant's experience, and a demonstrated health effect are related but distinct.

Level A Therapeutic intention

The programme is designed to encourage restoration, reflection, or well-being. Intention alone does not establish effectiveness.

Level B Subjective experience

The participant reports meaning, enjoyment, calm, connection, or discomfort. These are experiences in their own right.

Level C Measured outcomes

Research assesses defined psychological, physiological, behavioural, or clinical changes using appropriate methods.

03 · Interactive research agenda

Eight priorities for future investigation

Select any research theme to explore its scientific importance and a corresponding research question.

01 Define and describe the intervention

Researchers should report the actual content of forest-based interventions rather than relying exclusively on labels such as Shinrin-Yoku, forest bathing, or forest therapy. Descriptions should include location, duration, activity structure, ecological conditions, facilitator involvement, and social arrangement. Reporting frameworks such as TIDieR can improve transparency and replicability.

Research priority What did participants actually experience, and can the intervention be meaningfully compared or replicated?
02 Identify mechanisms and active components

Environmental exposure, movement, sensory attention, reduced urban stimulation, expectations, and reflection may contribute differently to measured outcomes. Research should use explicit programme theories and appropriate comparisons to investigate these potential pathways. Hypothesised mechanisms should not be presented as established causal explanations.

Research priority Which components contribute to which outcomes, and what evidence supports the proposed mechanisms?
03 Investigate the contribution of guidance

The presence of a trained guide should be evaluated as a distinct intervention characteristic. Comparative studies may investigate whether facilitation contributes to autonomy, confidence, perceived safety, social connection, or defined health outcomes. Professional credentials alone do not demonstrate therapeutic superiority.

Research priority When does professional guidance add value beyond independent nature engagement?
04 Examine individual and environmental variation

Participants differ in their environmental familiarity, expectations, abilities, preferences, and reasons for participation. Forests also differ in accessibility, vegetation, climate, sensory qualities, and ecological conditions. Research should examine these interactions rather than presuming universal responses.

Research priority How do person–environment relationships modify experiences and measured outcomes?
05 Study autonomy and scaffolded engagement

The TMT® Scaffolded Model of Engagement proposes adapting structured invitations and opportunities for independent exploration. Future studies could examine perceived autonomy, participant confidence, facilitator behaviour, and acceptance of different levels of guidance. The model's assumptions require empirical evaluation.

Research priority How does the degree of professional structure influence perceived choice and autonomy?
06 Explore social experiences and personal meaning

Guided groups may provide companionship, shared reflection, and belonging, but may also introduce distraction or social pressure. Qualitative and phenomenological approaches can investigate how participants interpret these experiences, including meaningful, neutral, and uncomfortable encounters.

Research priority How do other people, shared silence, and individual reflection shape the forest experience?
07 Investigate continuity and longer-term change

Single-session outcomes do not capture the development of longer-term human–nature relationships. Longitudinal research could examine repeated participation, place familiarity, nature connectedness, and continued independent engagement. The proposed horizontal and vertical dimensions require careful conceptual development before measurement.

Research priority What changes through repeated nature contact, and what remains meaningful beyond immediate measurable benefits?
08 Evaluate ethics, accessibility, and wider consequences

Research should investigate adverse experiences, barriers to participation, professional boundaries, economic costs, and ecological impacts. Practitioner-led studies require transparent methods, consent, appropriate ethical oversight, and disclosure of relevant interests. Psychological benefit should not automatically be equated with clinical effectiveness or environmental sustainability.

Research priority How can forest-based programmes support human well-being while remaining accessible, ethically responsible, and ecologically considerate?
04 · Methodological development

Different questions require different methods

No single study design can capture every dimension of forest engagement. Methods should follow the research question.

Comparative and factorial studies

Examine selected contributions of guidance, setting, activity structure, and group participation through appropriate comparisons.

Longitudinal investigations

Explore continuity of contact, repeated participation, changing preferences, and the development of human–nature relationships.

Qualitative and phenomenological inquiry

Investigate lived experience, interpretation, personal meaning, autonomy, and the diversity of participants' accounts.

Mixed methods and process evaluation

Combine appropriately selected outcome measures with investigation of implementation, context, participant response, and adaptation.

05 · Scientific interpretation

Distinctions that must remain clear

Environmental exposure
Is not equivalent to professional facilitation.
Professional certification
Does not independently establish clinical effectiveness.
A meaningful experience
Does not necessarily produce measurable therapeutic improvement.
Favourable short-term responses
Do not automatically demonstrate enduring benefits.
Nature connectedness
Does not automatically establish conservation behaviour or ecological benefit.
No statistically significant difference
Does not necessarily demonstrate that two interventions are equivalent.
Section 15 · Central conclusion

The task of research is not to ensure that every encounter with nature can be described as therapeutic, but to understand when, how, for whom, and with what consequences therapeutic effects may occur.

Future Shinrin-Yoku research should move beyond general claims of benefit toward investigating the conditions, relationships, mechanisms, and responsibilities through which different forms of nature engagement become restorative, meaningful, or therapeutically relevant.

Research should investigate both the potential value and the limits of professional intervention, without assuming that guidance is universally necessary or unnecessary.

15. Implications for Research

The preceding analysis suggests that the scientific investigation of Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy would benefit from a more conceptually differentiated and methodologically integrated research agenda. Over recent decades, empirical studies have contributed to an expanding body of evidence concerning the physiological, psychological, and behavioural responses associated with exposure to natural environments. Investigations have examined stress-related biomarkers, autonomic nervous system activity, emotional states, cognitive functioning, perceived restoration, and nature connectedness. Although systematic reviews and meta-analyses have identified potentially beneficial outcomes, they have also highlighted substantial heterogeneity in intervention characteristics, methodological limitations, and uncertainty concerning the mechanisms underlying observed effects (Hartig et al., 2014; Coventry et al., 2021).

The continued accumulation of evidence demonstrating favourable responses following forest exposure does not, however, fully resolve the more fundamental question of how these responses arise. Forest-based interventions commonly incorporate multiple interacting components, including environmental exposure, physical movement, sensory attention, professional facilitation, social interaction, and opportunities for contemplation. When these elements occur simultaneously, determining their respective contributions becomes methodologically challenging. This difficulty is compounded when forest therapy is conceptualised as a relatively homogeneous intervention despite considerable variation in programme structure, ecological setting, participant characteristics, and intended outcomes.

A more advanced research agenda should therefore move beyond the general question of whether forest therapy produces beneficial outcomes and investigate which forms of forest engagement contribute to particular outcomes, through which processes, for whom, under what environmental and social conditions, and over what periods of time. Such an approach does not diminish the significance of existing intervention research. Rather, it seeks to strengthen the explanatory value, interpretability, and applicability of future findings.

The relational framework introduced in Section 14, organised around the interacting dimensions of person, place, process, and time, offers one conceptual basis for developing this research agenda. The framework builds upon earlier work concerning modalities of forest engagement and the horizontal and vertical dimensions of nature contact (Guziak, 2026a). It should nevertheless be understood as a heuristic framework rather than an empirically validated causal model. Its purpose is to organise potentially relevant variables, identify relationships that warrant investigation, and support the development of testable hypotheses.

A central implication is that therapeutic intention, subjective therapeutic experience, and demonstrated health-related effects must remain analytically distinguishable. An intervention may be designed to encourage psychological restoration without producing measurable improvement in every participant. A person may experience a forest encounter as meaningful without demonstrating clinical change. Conversely, physiological responses may occur during environmental exposure independently of deliberate attention or professional facilitation. Recognising these distinctions is essential for developing scientifically defensible claims and for avoiding the assumption that every positively experienced encounter necessarily constitutes an effective therapeutic intervention.

15.1. From Demonstrating Benefits to Explaining Conditions and Mechanisms

One of the principal methodological challenges in contemporary forest therapy research concerns the distinction between documenting beneficial outcomes and identifying the processes through which those outcomes arise. A study reporting reduced perceived stress following forest exposure demonstrates an association between a particular experience and a measured outcome under specified conditions. It does not necessarily establish whether that response resulted from vegetation, environmental acoustics, physical movement, reduced exposure to urban stressors, attentional engagement, participant expectations, or interactions among these factors.

Hartig et al. (2014) identified multiple pathways through which nature contact may influence health, including psychological restoration, physical activity, environmental conditions, and social interaction. Their analysis illustrates the limitations of attributing the effects of natural environments to a single explanatory mechanism. Professionally facilitated forest experiences may introduce additional processes, such as structured sensory exploration, reflective practices, interpersonal engagement, and deliberate adjustments to the pace or character of an activity. These components may operate independently, interact with one another, or influence outcomes differently according to participant characteristics and environmental conditions.

The updated Medical Research Council framework for developing and evaluating complex interventions provides a relevant methodological foundation for examining these relationships. Skivington et al. (2021) emphasised the importance of programme theory, contextual influences, stakeholder perspectives, implementation processes, and the interactions between intervention components. This perspective is particularly applicable to Shinrin-Yoku because programmes operating under the same professional designation may differ substantially in their activities and assumptions about therapeutic change.

Future investigations should develop explicit programme theories identifying the outcomes that particular intervention components are hypothesised to influence and the processes through which those effects are expected to occur. For example, a sensory invitation might be proposed to influence attentional engagement, a reflective activity might support meaning-making, and a group-sharing component might influence perceived social connection. These propositions should be treated as hypotheses requiring empirical investigation rather than as established explanations.

Importantly, measuring an intermediate variable does not, by itself, demonstrate a causal mechanism. Claims about mediation require research designs, temporal information, and analytical assumptions appropriate to causal inference. Advancing the field therefore depends not only on expanding the range of measured outcomes but also on developing research designs capable of distinguishing intervention components, hypothesised mechanisms, contextual influences, and observed effects.

15.2. The Need for More Precise Intervention Descriptions

Improving the conceptual and operational description of interventions represents an immediate priority. Research publications frequently employ overlapping terminology, including Shinrin-Yoku, forest bathing, forest therapy, nature therapy, and nature-based interventions. Although these terms may refer to closely related practices, their use does not guarantee that the activities delivered are equivalent.

Consistent with the terminological discussion developed earlier in this article, Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy are not treated here as necessarily separate experiential or therapeutic phenomena. Nevertheless, the ways in which researchers and professional organisations operationalise these designations may differ. Consequently, intervention descriptions should establish what participants actually experienced rather than relying on terminology alone.

The Template for Intervention Description and Replication (TIDieR), developed by Hoffmann et al. (2014), provides an established foundation for improving intervention reporting. Its recommendations address intervention rationale, materials, procedures, provider characteristics, modes of delivery, location, frequency, tailoring, modifications, and implementation fidelity. Although developed for a broader range of interventions, the framework offers a useful starting point for research involving forest-based practices.

For Shinrin-Yoku, reporting requirements should additionally consider ecological and experiential characteristics. Relevant information may include vegetation and landscape characteristics, accessibility, route conditions, season, weather, duration of exposure, intensity of physical movement, opportunities for rest, attentional invitations, social arrangements, and the extent of facilitator involvement. Where applicable, researchers should also document professional qualifications, participant-to-guide ratios, activity modifications, and the intended purpose of the intervention.

A two-hour forest bathing session, for example, may involve continuous walking, prolonged stationary observation, structured mindfulness exercises, independent exploration, or facilitated group reflection. Although such programmes may share duration and setting, their experiential characteristics may differ substantially. Without sufficiently detailed descriptions, systematic reviews risk combining interventions that share a label while incorporating different activities and causal assumptions.

Greater reporting precision would improve replicability, facilitate more meaningful comparisons, strengthen evidence synthesis, and enable researchers to investigate whether particular intervention characteristics are associated with distinct outcomes.

15.3. Distinguishing Forest Exposure From Professional Guidance

The additional contribution of professional guidance constitutes a particularly significant research question. Evidence demonstrating favourable responses to forest exposure cannot automatically establish that professional facilitation was responsible for those responses. The presence of a guide represents one component of an intervention and should therefore be investigated independently of the environmental setting whenever the research question concerns its specific contribution.

Existing comparative investigations provide an initial foundation. Kim and Shin (2021) examined guided and self-guided forest therapy among 37 undergraduate students using participants’ written accounts. Their analysis identified differences in reported experiences, with self-guided participants more frequently describing introspection and guided participants more frequently reporting emotional changes and social interaction. These findings suggest that different arrangements of forest engagement may be associated with different experiential characteristics. However, because the principal evidence derived from self-reported narratives, the findings should not be interpreted as establishing comparative clinical effectiveness or objective physiological superiority.

Lim et al. (2020) compared guided and unguided nature immersion among 51 participants and reported improvements in mood and nature connectedness following immersion. However, they found no statistically significant differences between guided and unguided conditions in changes in mood, nature connectedness, or heart rate. These results challenge assumptions that professional guidance necessarily produces stronger outcomes across the measures examined, although the absence of statistically significant differences should not be interpreted as definitive evidence of equivalence.

Taken together, these investigations indicate that guided and unguided experiences may differ in their experiential characteristics without establishing a universal hierarchy of therapeutic effectiveness. Their interpretation remains constrained by sample characteristics, intervention differences, measurement choices, and limitations in isolating professional facilitation from accompanying activities and social conditions.

Future research should therefore investigate the guide’s contribution through clearly specified outcomes. Potential questions concern whether guidance influences perceived safety, attentional engagement, confidence, autonomy, social connection, willingness to return independently, or particular physiological responses. Researchers should also examine whether these effects vary according to participants’ previous nature experiences, environmental familiarity, accessibility requirements, and personal preferences.

The presence of a certified practitioner should consequently be treated as an intervention characteristic requiring evaluation rather than as sufficient evidence of greater therapeutic effectiveness.

15.4. Multi-Arm and Factorial Research Designs

Where feasible and ethically appropriate, multi-arm and factorial research designs may help distinguish the contributions of selected intervention components. Such approaches are particularly relevant when interventions involve multiple interacting influences and researchers seek to identify whether particular components produce additional or differential effects.

A multi-arm study might compare independent forest engagement, professionally guided forest engagement, and a comparable activity undertaken in a non-forest environment. This arrangement could provide information about differences associated with environmental setting and organised participation. Nevertheless, interpretation would depend on the extent to which relevant characteristics were comparable. A guided group session may differ from an independent forest visit in social interaction, physical activity, duration, pacing, expectations, and opportunities for reflection. Any observed differences could therefore reflect several components rather than guidance alone.

Factorial designs may provide additional analytical possibilities by systematically varying selected intervention characteristics. For example, professional guidance and social arrangement could be examined as separate factors, producing conditions involving guided individual participation, guided group participation, unguided individual participation, and unguided group participation. This design could help investigate both the independent associations and potential interactions of guidance and social engagement.

The Multiphase Optimization Strategy discussed by Collins et al. (2007) illustrates the potential of factorial approaches for investigating components of complex behavioural interventions. Applied carefully to forest therapy, such methods could contribute to understanding which combinations of activities are associated with particular outcomes.

However, these designs also present substantial practical and conceptual difficulties. Natural environments cannot be completely standardised, participants generally cannot be blinded to the environmental setting, and the presence of a professional facilitator may influence expectations. Furthermore, removing a guide may fundamentally alter the nature of an activity rather than merely eliminate one isolated component.

Accordingly, factorial designs should not be regarded as universally superior. Their value depends on whether the factors can be meaningfully distinguished, whether comparison conditions are credible, and whether the research design adequately addresses the question under investigation. In some circumstances, observational, qualitative, or mixed-methods approaches may provide more appropriate evidence.

15.5. Participant Expectations and Contextual Effects

Participant expectations constitute another potentially important influence on forest-based experiences. Individuals may enter an intervention believing that natural environments promote relaxation, that professionally guided activities are particularly beneficial, or that participation will produce specific psychological improvements. These expectations may shape attention, emotional responses, motivation, reporting behaviour, and the interpretation of the experience.

The terminology used to introduce an intervention may also influence its perceived significance. An activity described as a therapeutic session may generate different expectations from an otherwise similar activity described as an ordinary forest walk. Professional credentials, preparatory information, group norms, and the perceived authority of the facilitator may further contribute to contextual responses.

Moerman and Jonas (2002) introduced the concept of the meaning response to highlight the potential influence of meanings attributed to therapeutic encounters. Although their discussion concerned healthcare contexts rather than forest therapy specifically, it offers a relevant conceptual perspective for investigating how interpretation and context may interact with experiential outcomes.

Future studies could assess participant expectations before an intervention, examine how these expectations change, and investigate their relationships with subsequently reported experiences. Where methodologically appropriate, researchers might also compare different forms of intervention framing while ensuring that participants receive accurate and ethically acceptable information.

Contextual influences should not automatically be dismissed as irrelevant or reduced to methodological contamination. They may constitute meaningful aspects of the overall experience. Nevertheless, identifying their contribution requires distinguishing environmental exposure from the social, interpretative, and expectancy-related processes surrounding that exposure.

This distinction is particularly important when professional or commercial programmes claim that their methods produce effects beyond those available through ordinary nature contact.

15.6. Individual Differences as Moderators of Therapeutic Response

A relational approach requires greater attention to variation among participants. The effects and meanings of forest engagement cannot be understood independently of the characteristics, histories, preferences, and circumstances of the individuals involved. Previous experiences with nature, perceived environmental safety, physical capacity, sensory preferences, psychological expectations, cultural background, and familiarity with particular places may influence how an encounter unfolds.

These characteristics may function as moderators of intervention effects, indicating that a particular programme produces different outcomes under different participant conditions. For example, a person unfamiliar with natural environments may experience professional support as reassuring, while an experienced independent walker may prefer minimal facilitation. Similarly, group participation may be experienced positively by an individual seeking companionship but less favourably by someone seeking solitude.

Such possibilities should remain hypotheses rather than predetermined participant classifications. Future studies should select potential moderators on the basis of theoretically justified questions and examine them through appropriate statistical or qualitative approaches. Exploratory analyses may contribute to hypothesis development, but conclusions drawn from numerous unplanned subgroup comparisons should be interpreted cautiously.

Individual characteristics should also be understood as potentially dynamic. Environmental familiarity, personal preferences, emotional needs, and physical capacities may change over time. The same person may therefore respond differently to an identical activity under different circumstances.

Research should consequently investigate person–environment interactions without assuming that individuals possess fixed levels of suitability for guided or unguided forest engagement.

15.7. Environmental Characteristics and Ecological Context

Forests should not be treated as interchangeable therapeutic environments. Ecological settings differ in vegetation, biodiversity, canopy characteristics, terrain, accessibility, acoustic conditions, atmospheric characteristics, microclimate, and degrees of human disturbance. These differences may influence both the physical conditions of exposure and the subjective qualities of an encounter.

A densely vegetated forest may offer sensory experiences that differ from those of open woodland. A familiar urban forest may support different forms of engagement from an unfamiliar remote landscape. Seasonal variation may alter environmental comfort, opportunities for observation, perceived safety, and the feasibility of particular activities.

The ecological context should therefore be documented in relation to the hypotheses being investigated. Physiological studies examining environmental exposure may require measurements of temperature, humidity, atmospheric conditions, or other relevant variables. Research concerning perceived restoration may place greater emphasis on environmental preference, noise, accessibility, and subjective qualities of place. Qualitative investigations of personal meaning may require detailed descriptions of participants’ relationships with particular environments.

The objective should not be to impose comprehensive ecological monitoring on every investigation. Rather, studies should document sufficient environmental information to allow their findings to be interpreted within the conditions in which the experience occurred.

This approach also raises a broader methodological issue concerning ecological validity. Highly controlled environments may permit more precise investigation of selected variables, while naturalistic settings may better represent the complexity of ordinary forest engagement. Research programmes should recognise this tension and select designs according to their intended explanatory purpose.

The forest should therefore be conceptualised not as a uniform therapeutic substance but as a dynamic ecological context within which human responses and relationships develop.

15.8. Beyond Immediate Mood and Stress Measures

Forest therapy research has frequently examined immediate changes in mood, perceived stress, physiological arousal, cortisol, heart rate variability, and related indicators. These outcomes remain important for investigating short-term psychological and physiological responses. However, their prominence may unintentionally narrow the understanding of what forest engagement contributes to individuals and communities.

A guided session may influence participants’ confidence in accessing natural environments, familiarity with a particular place, willingness to return independently, or perceived nature connectedness. Repeated engagement may contribute to the development of routines, place attachment, or continued participation in nature-based activities. Group experiences may support opportunities for companionship and perceived belonging.

These outcomes are conceptually distinct from immediate symptom reduction and should not automatically be classified as evidence of clinical therapeutic effectiveness. They may nevertheless be significant within educational, preventive, recreational, and health-promotion contexts.

Research should therefore establish clear relationships between intervention objectives and selected outcome measures. A programme intended to reduce perceived stress requires different outcome criteria from one intended to support independent nature engagement. Similarly, an intervention designed to cultivate nature connectedness should be evaluated using measures appropriate to that construct rather than assuming that general mood improvement provides equivalent evidence.

A useful analytical distinction is between immediate responses, intermediate experiential or behavioural changes, and longer-term health-related outcomes. These levels may be related, but their connections require investigation rather than assumption.

Establishing such distinctions would support more proportionate conclusions and reduce the tendency to interpret any favourable outcome as evidence of generalised therapeutic effectiveness.

15.9. Developing and Testing the Horizontal and Vertical Dimensions of Forest Engagement

The horizontal and vertical dimensions proposed in earlier conceptual work (Guziak, 2026a) offer an additional direction for research concerning the continuity and subjective qualities of nature engagement. The horizontal dimension concerns the temporal and behavioural characteristics of contact, including frequency, regularity, familiarity, repetition, and integration into everyday life. The vertical dimension concerns the experiential qualities of engagement, including attention, contemplation, emotional involvement, and personal meaning.

These dimensions are intended as heuristic concepts rather than established psychometric constructs. Their theoretical contribution lies in suggesting that the continuity of nature contact and the subjective manner of engagement may represent distinguishable aspects of the human–nature relationship.

Operationalising the horizontal dimension may be relatively straightforward in some contexts. Researchers could document visit frequency, duration, regularity, and patterns of continued participation through diaries, repeated questionnaires, or longitudinal observation. However, even these apparently measurable characteristics require clarification, particularly when distinguishing accumulated exposure from the development of a meaningful practice.

The vertical dimension presents greater conceptual difficulties. Attentional engagement, emotional intensity, contemplation, personal significance, and nature connectedness are not interchangeable constructs. Combining them into a single measure of experiential depth would require a defensible theoretical rationale and subsequent empirical evaluation.

Exploratory qualitative research may provide a suitable starting point. Interviews and reflective accounts could examine how individuals describe variations in the quality of their engagement and whether recurring experiential dimensions emerge. Subsequent quantitative investigations could evaluate whether these dimensions can be operationalised consistently and whether they demonstrate adequate reliability and construct validity.

Importantly, greater subjective depth should not be assumed to produce stronger therapeutic outcomes. Nor should intense or contemplative experiences be treated as inherently more authentic than ordinary, brief, or incidental encounters with nature.

The purpose of empirical investigation would be to determine whether different patterns of continuity and experiential engagement are associated with distinguishable outcomes and whether the proposed dimensions provide explanatory value beyond existing constructs.

15.10. Longitudinal Research and the Development of Human–Forest Relationships

Longitudinal research is necessary for examining processes that extend beyond the immediate effects of individual forest visits. Although a single encounter may produce measurable physiological or psychological responses, familiarity, place attachment, personal meaning, and habitual engagement may develop through repeated experiences over longer periods.

Such processes cannot be adequately investigated through pre- and post-session assessments alone. Studies following participants over weeks, months, or longer periods could examine whether guided experiences influence subsequent independent nature contact, confidence in accessing natural environments, place familiarity, perceived connectedness, and the integration of nature engagement into everyday routines.

However, longitudinal observations introduce important methodological limitations. Individuals who maintain regular nature contact may differ systematically from those who discontinue participation. Motivation, health status, accessibility, environmental preferences, financial circumstances, and available time may influence both continued engagement and measured outcomes.

These factors may create confounding relationships, making it difficult to establish whether observed improvements result from nature engagement itself or from characteristics associated with sustained participation. Attrition and changes in life circumstances may introduce additional sources of bias.

Consequently, longitudinal associations should not be interpreted as causal evidence without suitable design and analytical justification. Depending on the research question, prospective observational studies may be complemented by repeated-measures intervention research, appropriate comparison groups, and carefully defined follow-up periods.

Longitudinal research should also avoid treating increasing visit frequency as a universal indicator of progress. A person’s relationship with nature may remain meaningful despite changes in the regularity of contact. Conversely, frequent exposure may occur without substantial emotional involvement or personal significance.

Investigating these different trajectories may help clarify how environmental contact develops into an enduring practice and whether professional guidance contributes to that development.

15.11. The Importance of Qualitative and Phenomenological Research

Quantitative approaches are indispensable for examining measurable outcomes and evaluating defined hypotheses. Nevertheless, they may not capture the full complexity of lived experience, particularly when forest encounters involve memory, contemplation, changing perceptions, emotional ambiguity, or personal meaning.

An individual may describe a forest experience as significant because it evoked a childhood memory, altered their relationship with a familiar place, or encouraged reflection on personal circumstances. These experiences may not correspond directly to measurable changes in mood or physiological indicators, yet they may remain important to understanding the participant’s encounter.

Qualitative research provides methodological opportunities to investigate these dimensions without requiring that their significance be established through clinical outcome measures. Interviews, reflective writing, participant observation, and experience-focused inquiry may illuminate how individuals interpret forest encounters and which elements they perceive as meaningful.

Braun and Clarke (2006) established thematic analysis as a flexible approach to identifying patterns within qualitative material. Such an approach may be valuable when investigating recurring themes across participants’ experiences. However, thematic analysis should not be treated as synonymous with phenomenological research. Investigations explicitly concerned with the structures or meanings of lived experience require methods and epistemological assumptions appropriate to those questions.

Qualitative inquiry may be particularly valuable for examining the relationship between professional guidance and participant agency. Researchers could investigate how participants experience instructions, whether particular invitations facilitate or interrupt attention, how the presence of others influences their engagement, and whether moments of independent exploration are experienced as supportive or uncertain.

Importantly, research should include accounts that challenge expectations of positive outcomes. Participants may experience boredom, anxiety, sensory discomfort, disappointment, social pressure, or emotional neutrality. Such accounts provide essential evidence concerning the limits and variability of forest-based interventions.

Qualitative findings should nevertheless be interpreted within their methodological scope. Personal narratives may illuminate subjective experience, meaning-making, and perceived change, but they do not independently establish physiological mechanisms or clinical effectiveness.

15.12. Integrating Quantitative and Qualitative Evidence

Mixed-methods research may offer particular advantages for investigating forest therapy as a complex intervention. By integrating quantitative and qualitative approaches within a coherent design, researchers can examine measurable changes while also exploring how participants interpret the activities, environments, and social processes involved.

For example, a study may assess perceived stress before and after forest engagement while collecting interview data concerning the elements participants found supportive, restrictive, or personally meaningful. Quantitative findings may identify patterns of change, while qualitative findings may contribute to understanding the experiential context and possible explanations for variation among participants.

However, integration should not imply that the two forms of evidence are interchangeable. A participant’s belief that a particular activity reduced physiological stress does not establish a biological mechanism. Equally, a measured change in a physiological indicator cannot determine the personal meaning of the experience.

The methodological value of mixed methods lies in their capacity to address complementary questions while preserving the distinct evidential contribution of each approach.

The Medical Research Council guidance on process evaluation developed by Moore et al. (2015) provides a relevant framework for investigating intervention implementation, mechanisms, and contextual influences. Process evaluation can help establish how an intervention was delivered, how participants responded, and which circumstances affected its implementation.

Within guided forest experiences, such evaluation could document differences between planned and delivered activities, modifications introduced by facilitators, participant choices, environmental changes, and unexpected social interactions. This information may be particularly important for approaches that intentionally incorporate flexibility and participant autonomy.

Mixed-methods designs may therefore contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of forest therapy, provided that their qualitative and quantitative components are integrated through clearly articulated research questions rather than simply presented alongside one another.

15.13. Researching the Guide’s Distinctive Contribution

The professional role of the Shinrin-Yoku or forest therapy guide requires investigation as a distinct component of forest-based intervention research. Guides may provide environmental preparation, risk assessment, accessibility support, structured invitations, opportunities for reflection, and facilitation of social engagement. These functions may contribute to the quality and accessibility of an experience, but their presence does not automatically establish their therapeutic effectiveness.

As discussed in earlier work concerning the professional justification for forest therapy guides (Guziak, 2026b), the potential value of facilitation may be understood partly through the conditions that guides create for participants to engage with natural environments. However, the significance of those conditions and their relationships with specific outcomes remain empirical questions.

Research should distinguish at least three related areas: professional preparation, observable facilitation competence, and participant outcomes. Educational programmes may establish whether practitioners have acquired particular knowledge and skills, while observational assessments may evaluate how those competencies are demonstrated in practice. Neither form of assessment, however, necessarily establishes that professionally guided interventions produce superior health outcomes.

Future studies could investigate how guide communication influences perceived autonomy, whether different degrees of directiveness affect participants’ experiences, and how adaptation to individual needs contributes to acceptability and continued engagement. Research might also examine the relationships between supervised practice, facilitator experience, professional training, and the consistency of intervention delivery.

These investigations could incorporate participant feedback, structured observation, qualitative interviews, and comparative designs. Where intervention outcomes are evaluated, the research should consider the potential influence of differences among facilitators rather than treating all professionally guided sessions as identical.

Professional certification should therefore establish transparent educational and competency requirements, while claims concerning therapeutic effectiveness should remain subject to independent empirical evaluation.

15.14. Evaluating the TMT® Scaffolded Model of Engagement

The TMT® Scaffolded Model of Engagement offers a specific opportunity to investigate relationships between professional structure, participant autonomy, and the development of independent nature engagement (Guziak, 2023). The model proposes that facilitation may move progressively from more structured invitations toward greater freedom of exploration, with the degree of support adapted to participants’ circumstances and emerging engagement.

Its underlying educational proposition is that structure and autonomy need not represent opposing conditions. Appropriate facilitation may provide an initial framework within which participants develop confidence, while subsequent opportunities for choice may allow individuals to engage in ways that reflect their own interests and needs.

Nevertheless, the model should be treated as a conceptual and educational framework whose empirical assumptions require evaluation, rather than as an established clinically effective intervention.

Initial research could examine how participants perceive autonomy during different phases of a scaffolded session. Qualitative interviews might explore whether transitions between structured and less structured activities are experienced as supportive, abrupt, restrictive, or liberating. Observational studies could investigate whether facilitators implement the intended principles and how adaptations occur in response to participant preferences or environmental conditions.

Subsequent comparative research might examine scaffolded approaches alongside other forms of guided engagement while maintaining reasonable comparability in environmental exposure, session duration, and social arrangements. Relevant outcomes could include perceived autonomy, confidence in independent nature contact, attentional engagement, acceptability, nature connectedness, and intentions to continue participation.

A particularly important methodological distinction concerns autonomy and behavioural independence. Following fewer instructions does not necessarily demonstrate greater perceived autonomy, just as choosing to remain with a guide does not necessarily indicate dependence. Autonomy concerns the experience of meaningful choice and agency rather than simply the absence of external structure.

Research should therefore evaluate how participants experience different degrees of guidance rather than presupposing that progressively reduced facilitation is universally preferable. Evidence that challenges these assumptions would provide an opportunity to refine the model and strengthen its educational applicability.

15.15. The Social Contribution of Group Sessions

The social dimensions of forest therapy warrant more systematic investigation, particularly because group participation often accompanies professional guidance. Group sessions may create opportunities for companionship, shared attention, conversation, reflection, and a sense of belonging. At the same time, the presence of others may introduce distraction, comparison, self-consciousness, social expectations, or discomfort.

Consequently, social participation should not be treated as an inherently beneficial or incidental feature of forest-based interventions. Its contribution may depend on group composition, existing relationships, interaction patterns, individual preferences, and the balance between collective and solitary engagement.

Future research could compare individual and group experiences while distinguishing social arrangement from professional facilitation. Where feasible, studies might investigate the interaction between guidance and group participation through appropriately structured comparisons.

Relevant outcomes could include perceived social connection, belonging, restoration, emotional comfort, and willingness to participate again. Researchers should also document group size, whether participants were previously acquainted, opportunities for silence and solitude, and the extent to which interaction was encouraged or optional.

Qualitative methods may be especially useful for examining the phenomenon of shared or co-experienced nature engagement. Participants could describe how others influenced their perception of the environment, whether shared silence supported attention, and how collective reflection shaped their understanding of the experience.

The presence of a group may change the meaning of the forest encounter, while the forest setting may influence the character of social interaction. Investigating this reciprocal relationship may help clarify the contribution of social processes without assuming that group participation is universally restorative.

15.16. Adverse Experiences and the Ethics of Outcome Reporting

The systematic investigation of adverse and unwanted experiences should form an integral part of forest therapy research. Although natural environments are frequently associated with restoration and well-being, they are not universally experienced as safe, comfortable, or psychologically supportive.

Participants may encounter physical discomfort, environmental hazards, anxiety, sensory overload, interpersonal tension, or unexpected emotional responses. These possibilities remain relevant even when an intervention is designed and delivered with the intention of promoting well-being.

Research protocols should therefore include appropriate procedures for identifying and documenting adverse events, unwanted experiences, and reasons for participant withdrawal. However, temporary discomfort should not automatically be equated with harm. Physical tiredness, emotional intensity, or reflective sadness may occur without constituting an adverse outcome. Interpretation should consider the severity, duration, context, and participant’s own assessment of the experience.

Studies should also account for the possibility that participants who discontinue an intervention differ from those who complete it. Analyses restricted to programme completers may disproportionately represent individuals who found the experience acceptable or beneficial.

The absence of reported adverse events should not be presented as evidence of safety unless appropriate monitoring and reporting procedures were implemented.

Integrating adverse-outcome assessment would improve the ethical and scientific quality of research by allowing investigators to examine not only average benefits but also circumstances under which particular forms of engagement may be unsuitable or require adaptation.

15.17. Inclusion, Accessibility, and Underrepresented Populations

The external validity of forest therapy research depends partly on the diversity of populations represented in empirical investigations. Studies involving small samples of healthy adults or university students can provide useful preliminary evidence, but their findings cannot automatically be generalised to individuals with different ages, health conditions, physical capacities, sensory needs, cultural backgrounds, or relationships with nature.

Future research should investigate a broader range of participant populations while avoiding the assumption that demographic characteristics alone determine the suitability of forest engagement.

Accessibility should be understood as an interaction between individual circumstances, environmental characteristics, and programme design. Transport availability, terrain, session duration, facilities, financial cost, communication methods, social expectations, and geographical location may all influence participation.

An individual may maintain a strong relationship with nature while facing substantial barriers to accessing a forest or participating in a professionally guided programme. Similarly, meaningful nature engagement may occur through gardens, urban green spaces, familiar trees, or other accessible environments that differ from conventional forest therapy settings.

Research should therefore examine whether programmes accommodate diverse forms of participation and whether professional facilitation reduces or unintentionally reinforces barriers.

The objective is not to establish that every population should participate in forest therapy, but to identify which forms of engagement may be appropriate, acceptable, and accessible under different circumstances.

15.18. Professional Boundaries and Clinical Applications

The growing use of therapeutic terminology in forest-based practice creates an additional responsibility to distinguish nonclinical health promotion, professionally guided nature engagement, and interventions delivered within clinical care.

These contexts may involve different objectives, professional competencies, regulatory obligations, and standards of evidence. A nonclinical Shinrin-Yoku guide may possess expertise in environmental preparation, risk assessment, participant-centred facilitation, and session design. Such competencies do not, by themselves, establish qualification to diagnose or treat psychological or medical disorders.

Research involving clinical populations should therefore describe the professional roles, clinical oversight, and regulatory context associated with the intervention. It should establish whether forest engagement is being investigated as a complementary activity, a component of an established treatment programme, or a potential intervention for a specified clinical outcome.

Evidence of improved mood among healthy participants cannot automatically be generalised to the treatment of depressive disorders. Similarly, findings obtained within specialist healthcare settings may not be applicable to ordinary recreational Shinrin-Yoku sessions.

This distinction is important not only for professional accountability but also for the interpretation and communication of research findings. Therapeutic language should remain proportionate to the population, intervention, outcomes, and level of evidence being considered.

15.19. Evaluating Economic Value and Equitable Access

The commercial development of forest therapy introduces questions concerning economic value, resource allocation, accessibility, and the relationship between professional services and independently available nature contact.

Professional facilitation involves legitimate costs, including education, preparation, environmental assessment, insurance, administration, travel, and service delivery. These requirements may justify appropriate compensation. Nevertheless, the cost or professional status of a programme should not be interpreted as evidence of greater therapeutic effectiveness.

Future research could compare the costs and outcomes of guided programmes with lower-cost or independent alternatives for clearly defined objectives. Such comparisons should consider the resources required to deliver an intervention alongside the outcomes and services it provides.

A guided experience may offer accessibility support, structured education, opportunities for social engagement, or assistance that would not otherwise be available. Conversely, independent nature contact may provide relevant benefits without requiring professional payment.

Economic evaluation should therefore avoid assuming that these experiences are identical or that the least expensive option is necessarily preferable under all conditions. As recognised by Skivington et al. (2021), economic considerations form part of the broader evaluation of complex interventions and should be examined in relation to context and stakeholder needs.

An additional research question concerns whether participation in professionally guided programmes supports subsequent independent engagement or generates expectations of continued reliance on paid services.

A programme that enables participants to develop confidence and autonomy may provide value extending beyond the immediate session. However, these outcomes should be demonstrated rather than presumed.

15.20. Ecological Outcomes and the Environmental Cost of Provision

The ecological consequences of forest therapy programmes require investigation independently of their psychological or educational outcomes. An intervention may contribute positively to participant well-being while generating environmental pressures through transport, infrastructure, repeated visitation, group activities, or use of sensitive habitats.

The fact that an activity takes place in nature does not automatically establish its environmental sustainability.

Future research could examine visitor impacts, route management, group size, habitat disturbance, conservation practices, and relationships with local communities. Programmes claiming to support ecological restoration or regeneration should evaluate those claims through appropriate environmental indicators rather than relying on participant experiences or stated intentions.

The distinction between nature connectedness and ecological behaviour is particularly relevant. Meta-analyses by Mackay and Schmitt (2019) and Whitburn et al. (2020) identified associations between nature connectedness and pro-environmental behaviour. These findings do not, however, demonstrate that participation in a guided forest session necessarily produces conservation action or measurable ecological improvement.

Researchers should therefore distinguish changes in environmental attitudes, self-reported behaviour, observable practices, and actual ecosystem outcomes.

Such distinctions are especially important within tourism-oriented and commercially delivered programmes that present environmental responsibility as part of their professional identity. Human well-being and ecological care may be compatible objectives, but their relationship should be investigated rather than assumed.

15.21. Research Transparency, Ethics, and Conflicts of Interest

Research transparency is essential to the credibility of an expanding professional field. Investigations should disclose relevant funding sources, organisational affiliations, methodological decisions, and potential conflicts of interest, particularly when researchers also develop, teach, certify, or commercially deliver the interventions under evaluation.

Professional involvement does not inherently invalidate research. Practitioner-researchers may possess substantial contextual knowledge and access to questions arising from everyday practice. Nevertheless, professional and financial relationships may influence study design, recruitment, outcome selection, analysis, or interpretation.

Where feasible, independent assessment, transparent protocols, clearly specified outcomes, and appropriate reporting practices may strengthen confidence in findings. Preregistration may be particularly valuable for confirmatory quantitative studies, while qualitative projects should document their methodological assumptions, researcher positioning, and analytical decisions in ways appropriate to their design.

Ethical responsibilities also extend beyond conflicts of interest. Research involving human participants must address voluntary consent, confidentiality, privacy, data protection, risk management, and appropriate responses to adverse experiences.

The applicable pathway for independent ethical review should be established before data collection begins. Requirements may differ according to jurisdiction, institutional context, study design, and the characteristics of participants. The absence of university affiliation does not remove ethical obligations.

Practitioner-led initiatives may benefit from collaboration with qualified researchers, recognised institutions, or independent ethics-review structures. However, professional-association membership or internal organisational approval should not be presented as equivalent to formal independent research ethics review unless the relevant arrangements satisfy applicable requirements.

Special care is needed when researchers recruit individuals with whom they already maintain professional, educational, or commercial relationships. Participation in research should remain voluntary and clearly distinguishable from participation in professional services.

15.22. The Role of Practitioner-Led Research

Practitioners and training organisations may contribute to the development of scientific knowledge through appropriately designed practice-based research. Everyday professional experience can generate questions concerning participant preferences, the delivery of invitations, environmental adaptation, perceived autonomy, and the development of continued nature engagement.

Such observations may be valuable for identifying areas of uncertainty, but they should not automatically be treated as evidence of intervention effectiveness. A guide’s impression that participants appeared relaxed is not equivalent to a validated psychological assessment. Similarly, expressions of gratitude or favourable testimonials do not establish that particular health outcomes were caused by the intervention.

Practitioner-led research may nevertheless make meaningful contributions when its purposes and methodological limitations are explicit. Feasibility studies can examine whether procedures are practical and acceptable. Qualitative research may investigate experiences of guidance, personal meaning, or participant choice. Observational and longitudinal approaches may explore patterns of engagement that emerge outside controlled intervention settings.

The NIH Stage Model for Behavioral Intervention Development offers a useful perspective by recognising different phases of investigation, including basic research, intervention development, feasibility testing, efficacy evaluation, effectiveness research, and implementation (National Institute on Aging, n.d.).

The implication is that not every research initiative must begin with a large randomised controlled trial. Different questions require different levels and forms of evidence. However, claims should remain proportionate to the stage of research and the quality of the available findings.

For emerging practitioner-led initiatives, scientific credibility is more likely to develop through clearly defined questions, ethical oversight, methodological transparency, and willingness to report limitations than through premature claims of therapeutic effectiveness.

15.23. A Research Agenda Guided by Uncertainty Rather Than Confirmation

A fundamental principle of scientific investigation is that research should seek to resolve uncertainty rather than confirm conclusions that a profession wishes to establish.

As Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy develop commercially and institutionally, there may be incentives to demonstrate the value of particular methods, credentials, or professional services. Although such questions are legitimate subjects of investigation, research should not be organised around predetermined assumptions of superiority.

A carefully designed study may identify favourable outcomes, but it may also reveal no meaningful difference between guided and unguided engagement. It may demonstrate that a particular invitation contributes little to an intended outcome or that group participation reduces perceived restoration for some individuals. A programme may influence immediate mood without affecting longer-term engagement or clinically relevant indicators.

Such findings can contribute to scientific knowledge even when they do not support the original hypothesis.

The absence of an expected benefit does not necessarily indicate research failure. It may identify limitations, challenge assumptions, refine a programme theory, or prevent exaggerated professional claims.

The same principle should guide evaluation of the TMT® Scaffolded Model of Engagement. If changes in the degree of structure do not influence perceived autonomy, the theoretical assumptions may require reconsideration. If participants value sustained guidance rather than progressive independence, the model may need to accommodate different trajectories of engagement.

Similarly, if the effects of guidance depend substantially on environmental familiarity, participant preferences, or social context, these interactions may deserve greater theoretical attention than the original model anticipated.

Conceptual frameworks should remain open to empirical revision. Their scientific value lies in their capacity to generate meaningful questions and accommodate findings that challenge their initial assumptions.

15.24. Toward a Coordinated and Interdisciplinary Research Programme

The complexity of Shinrin-Yoku suggests that future investigation would benefit from collaboration across multiple disciplines. Environmental psychology can contribute theories concerning restoration, attention, and human–environment relationships. Public health may examine accessibility, health-related outcomes, and population-level implications. Physiology can investigate selected biological responses, while ecology can clarify environmental characteristics and the consequences of human activity.

Sociology and anthropology may contribute to understanding cultural meanings, social arrangements, and professionalisation. Tourism studies may examine commercial provision, relationships with local communities, and environmental responsibility. Qualitative and phenomenological approaches may deepen understanding of lived experience and the ways individuals attribute meaning to nature encounters.

These disciplinary perspectives need not be understood as competing explanations. Rather, they address different dimensions of a complex phenomenon. Their integration nevertheless requires careful conceptual distinctions, particularly between physiological effects, subjective meaning, clinically relevant outcomes, professional contributions, and ecological consequences.

The relational framework proposed in Section 14 offers a possible organising structure for interdisciplinary collaboration. Its four dimensions—person, place, process, and time—can inform research questions while avoiding the assumption that any one dimension provides a sufficient explanation.

Table 15.1. Proposed research priorities and corresponding methodological approaches

Research domain

Principal research question

Potential approaches and outcomes

Person

For whom are particular forms of forest engagement beneficial, acceptable, or meaningful?

Predefined moderator analyses, participant interviews, preference measures, accessibility assessments

Place

How do environmental characteristics influence physiological and experiential responses?

Environmental monitoring, cross-setting comparisons, ecological characterisation, perceived restoration measures

Process

Which intervention components contribute to specific outcomes, and how do they interact?

Multi-arm and factorial designs, process evaluation, observational studies, mixed-methods research

Professional guidance

When does facilitation contribute additional value beyond independent nature contact?

Guided–unguided comparisons, facilitator observation, measures of autonomy, safety, confidence, and continued engagement

Social interaction

How does group participation modify individual experience and perceived well-being?

Individual–group comparisons, qualitative interviews, measures of belonging and social connection

Time

How do repeated encounters influence behaviour, familiarity, and human–nature relationships?

Longitudinal cohorts, repeated assessments, engagement diaries, place attachment measures

Ethics and accessibility

Who may be excluded, and under what conditions might experiences become unwanted or harmful?

Equity-focused research, adverse-event reporting, withdrawal analyses, participatory methods

Economic and ecological consequences

What are the comparative costs, benefits, and environmental impacts of different forms of provision?

Economic evaluations, accessibility analyses, visitor-impact assessments, ecological indicators

Note. The proposed relationships are research priorities rather than established causal mechanisms. Methodological choices should reflect the specific hypotheses, populations, settings, available resources, and ethical requirements of individual studies.

A coordinated programme could initially focus on establishing clearer intervention descriptions and identifying feasible outcome measures before progressing toward more demanding causal investigations. This sequence would allow researchers to refine conceptual assumptions and measurement strategies without requiring every study to investigate the full complexity of forest engagement simultaneously.

Interdisciplinary collaboration would be particularly valuable when investigations involve outcomes that cross conventional disciplinary boundaries, such as the relationship between professional facilitation, psychological restoration, continued nature engagement, and ecological responsibility.

15.25. Discussion: What Should Forest Therapy Research Seek to Establish?

The research priorities outlined in this section suggest that the next phase of Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy research should be characterised by greater conceptual specificity rather than an exclusive emphasis on demonstrating favourable average outcomes. The central scientific challenge is no longer limited to establishing whether people may benefit from spending time in forests. It concerns identifying the conditions under which particular outcomes arise, the processes that may contribute to them, and the extent to which professional facilitation modifies those relationships.

This distinction is consequential because forest-based experiences are multidimensional. Environmental exposure, physical movement, attention, expectation, social interaction, and reflective activity may occur simultaneously and influence one another. Their relative importance may vary across individuals and ecological settings, while their consequences may extend over different temporal scales.

The relational framework proposed in Section 14 offers a conceptual means of organising these interactions without presupposing their causal significance. The person dimension directs attention toward characteristics, preferences, capacities, and prior experiences. The place dimension concerns ecological conditions, accessibility, familiarity, and environmental meaning. The process dimension encompasses activity characteristics, attentional engagement, facilitation, and social participation. The time dimension addresses duration, repetition, continuity, and the development of enduring relationships with natural environments.

The framework should not be interpreted as implying that these dimensions contribute equally or that all must be present for a forest encounter to become meaningful. Rather, its value lies in supporting the formulation of research questions that are sensitive to context and variation.

One particularly important implication concerns the interpretation of professional guidance. Research demonstrating that guided programmes produce favourable outcomes does not establish that similar outcomes would be absent without a guide. Conversely, evidence that independent nature contact produces beneficial effects does not demonstrate that professional facilitation lacks value.

These propositions concern different questions and require different comparisons. The scientific task is to investigate whether guidance contributes identifiable benefits, for which participants, under what conditions, and in relation to which objectives.

The same analytical distinction applies to meaningful experience and therapeutic effectiveness. A participant may value a guided session for companionship, personal reflection, or increased familiarity with a forest, even when no measurable clinical improvement occurs. These outcomes may justify investigation and professional recognition, but their significance should be communicated according to their actual evidential basis.

The responsible development of the field therefore requires a more differentiated vocabulary of outcomes and contributions. Psychological restoration, clinical improvement, experiential meaning, personal autonomy, social connection, and ecological responsibility may be related, but they should not be treated as interchangeable indicators of therapeutic success.

A scientifically mature research agenda must also investigate the potential limitations and unintended consequences of organised forest engagement. Professional services may improve accessibility for some participants while remaining financially inaccessible to others. Group sessions may support belonging while reducing privacy or individual freedom. Programmes may encourage independent engagement or foster expectations that therapeutic experiences require continued professional mediation. Ecologically sensitive settings may offer meaningful human experiences while being vulnerable to excessive visitation.

These possibilities demonstrate why ethical, social, economic, and environmental considerations should remain central to the investigation of forest therapy rather than being treated as secondary questions.

Ultimately, the purpose of future research should be to establish more precise and proportionate relationships between what an intervention claims to offer, what participants experience, what researchers can demonstrate, and what consequences arise beyond the immediate encounter.

15.26. Conclusion: From the Question of Benefit to the Conditions of Experience

The development of scientific research on Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy has contributed to a broader recognition of natural environments within discussions of human health and well-being. Existing investigations provide reasons to consider forest exposure as a potentially valuable context for psychological restoration, physiological regulation, and meaningful human–nature engagement. Nevertheless, methodological heterogeneity, differences in intervention content, and uncertainty concerning causal mechanisms limit the extent to which broad conclusions can be drawn about forest therapy as a unified intervention.

The next stage of research should therefore move beyond the general proposition that nature may be beneficial and toward more precise investigations of the conditions through which particular outcomes arise.

This requires distinguishing environmental exposure from professionally organised activity, professional facilitation from clinical treatment, immediate emotional responses from longer-term change, and personal meaning from demonstrated therapeutic effectiveness. It also requires recognising that nature connectedness, ecological concern, and measurable environmental benefit are related but conceptually distinct outcomes.

Methodological development will depend on matching research designs to clearly defined questions. Comparative trials and factorial approaches may contribute to understanding selected intervention components, while process evaluation can clarify implementation and contextual influences. Longitudinal research may investigate sustained nature engagement, and qualitative approaches may illuminate personal meaning, experiential variation, and dimensions of encounters that are not readily represented through standardised measures.

The proposed horizontal and vertical dimensions of forest engagement offer possibilities for investigating continuity and subjective engagement, but their theoretical boundaries and measurement properties require further development. Similarly, the TMT® Scaffolded Model of Engagement offers an educational framework for investigating relationships between professional structure and participant autonomy, while its proposed mechanisms and outcomes remain open to empirical evaluation.

The broader research agenda should also incorporate social interaction, accessibility, adverse experiences, professional boundaries, economic considerations, and ecological consequences. These dimensions are not peripheral to the responsible development of the field. They influence who can participate, how programmes are experienced, which claims are justified, and whether human well-being is pursued in ways compatible with environmental care.

Perhaps the most consequential shift would be for forest therapy research to become increasingly willing to investigate the limits of professional intervention alongside its potential contributions. A finding that independent forest engagement produces outcomes comparable to a professionally guided programme would not necessarily undermine the relevance of guiding. Instead, it could help identify the circumstances in which facilitation contributes something distinctive. Equally, evidence that particular participants benefit from additional support could inform more appropriate, accessible, and responsive professional services.

The objective should not be to demonstrate that guides are universally necessary or unnecessary. It should be to understand their contribution.

The same principle applies to forests themselves. Research need not establish that every natural environment is restorative or that every encounter produces measurable improvement. It should investigate how environmental characteristics, individual circumstances, modes of engagement, and temporal patterns interact to influence particular responses.

A forest encounter may contribute to physiological restoration, attentional recovery, personal reflection, companionship, or nature connectedness. It may become deeply meaningful without producing demonstrable clinical change. It may also be uncomfortable, disappointing, or inappropriate under particular conditions. These possibilities are not mutually exclusive, nor should they be interpreted according to a predetermined hierarchy of experiential value.

The scientific task is not to ensure that every encounter with nature can be described as therapeutic, but to understand when, how, for whom, and with what consequences therapeutic effects may occur.

This requires recognising the forest, participant, guide, group, and broader environmental and social context as potentially relevant contributors without assuming that their influences are identical, universally beneficial, or equally significant.

Such an approach may support a more scientifically rigorous and professionally responsible field. It could help practitioners communicate their contributions accurately, strengthen educational standards, clarify professional boundaries, and provide participants with more informed choices. It would also acknowledge that meaningful relationships with natural environments do not depend exclusively on professional mediation.

The question guiding future research therefore becomes more complex than simply asking whether forest therapy works. It must also ask what constitutes the intervention being investigated, which components contribute to particular outcomes, how those contributions depend on person, place, process, and time, and when professional involvement adds value.

Beyond these questions lies an equally important concern: how scientific investigation can contribute to human well-being without reducing nature to a treatment, participants to passive recipients, or professional guides to producers of therapeutic outcomes.

This concern returns the discussion to the central question of the article: When does nature become therapy?

The available evidence and the conceptual analysis developed throughout this article suggest that the answer cannot be determined solely by the presence of a forest, the intention of a participant, the involvement of a professional guide, or the terminology used to describe an activity. Rather, claims of therapeutic effectiveness depend on the outcomes being considered, the conditions in which they arise, and the quality of the evidence supporting their interpretation.

Meaningful nature engagement may occur independently of therapeutic intention, while professionally organised experiences may or may not produce demonstrable therapeutic effects. Recognising this distinction does not diminish the potential value of Shinrin-Yoku. It allows its diverse forms, purposes, and contributions to be understood more accurately.

The next stage of Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy research should therefore be guided not by the ambition to demonstrate that nature universally heals, but by the commitment to understand the conditions, relationships, mechanisms, and responsibilities through which particular forms of nature engagement become restorative, meaningful, or therapeutically relevant.

References

Braun, V., & Clarke, V. (2006). Using thematic analysis in psychology. Qualitative Research in Psychology, 3(2), 77–101. https://doi.org/10.1191/1478088706qp063oa

Collins, L. M., Murphy, S. A., & Strecher, V. (2007). The multiphase optimization strategy (MOST) and the sequential multiple assignment randomized trial (SMART): New methods for more potent eHealth interventions. American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 32(5 Suppl.), S112–S118. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.amepre.2007.01.022

Coventry, P. A., Brown, J. V. E., Pervin, J., Brabyn, S., Pateman, R., Breedvelt, J., Gilbody, S., Stancliffe, R., McEachan, R., & White, P. C. L. (2021). Nature-based outdoor activities for mental and physical health: Systematic review and meta-analysis. SSM – Population Health, 16, Article 100934. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ssmph.2021.100934

Guziak, M. A. (2023). Scaffolded model of engagement for facilitating guided forest therapy sessions. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI120230518en5

Guziak, M. A. (2026a). Spending time in the forest: Modalities of engagement, connection, and care. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI3202602-EN-2

Guziak, M. A. (2026b). Why we need forest therapy guides. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI3202601en

Hartig, T., Mitchell, R., de Vries, S., & Frumkin, H. (2014). Nature and health. Annual Review of Public Health, 35, 207–228. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-publhealth-032013-182443

Hoffmann, T. C., Glasziou, P. P., Boutron, I., Milne, R., Perera, R., Moher, D., Altman, D. G., Barbour, V., Macdonald, H., Johnston, M., Lamb, S. E., Dixon-Woods, M., McCulloch, P., Wyatt, J. C., Chan, A.-W., & Michie, S. (2014). Better reporting of interventions: Template for intervention description and replication (TIDieR) checklist and guide. BMJ, 348, g1687. https://doi.org/10.1136/bmj.g1687

Kim, J.-G., & Shin, W.-S. (2021). Forest therapy alone or with a guide: Is there a difference between self-guided forest therapy and guided forest therapy programs? International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 18(13), Article 6957. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18136957

Lim, P. Y., Dillon, D., & Chew, P. K. H. (2020). A guide to nature immersion: Psychological and physiological benefits. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 17(16), Article 5989. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17165989

Mackay, C. M. L., & Schmitt, M. T. (2019). Do people who feel connected to nature do more to protect it? A meta-analysis. Journal of Environmental Psychology, 65, Article 101323. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jenvp.2019.101323

Moerman, D. E., & Jonas, W. B. (2002). Deconstructing the placebo effect and finding the meaning response. Annals of Internal Medicine, 136(6), 471–476. https://doi.org/10.7326/0003-4819-136-6-200203190-00011

Moore, G. F., Audrey, S., Barker, M., Bond, L., Bonell, C., Hardeman, W., Moore, L., O’Cathain, A., Tinati, T., Wight, D., & Baird, J. (2015). Process evaluation of complex interventions: Medical Research Council guidance. BMJ, 350, h1258. https://doi.org/10.1136/bmj.h1258

National Institute on Aging. (n.d.). NIH Stage Model for Behavioral Intervention Development. https://www.nia.nih.gov/research/dbsr/nih-stage-model-behavioral-intervention-development

Skivington, K., Matthews, L., Simpson, S. A., Craig, P., Baird, J., Blazeby, J. M., Boyd, K. A., Craig, N., French, D. P., McIntosh, E., Petticrew, M., Rycroft-Malone, J., White, M., & Moore, L. (2021). A new framework for developing and evaluating complex interventions: Update of Medical Research Council guidance. BMJ, 374, n2061. https://doi.org/10.1136/bmj.n2061

Whitburn, J., Linklater, W., & Abrahamse, W. (2020). Meta-analysis of human connection to nature and proenvironmental behavior. Conservation Biology, 34(1), 180–193. https://doi.org/10.1111/cobi.13381

Section 16 · Interactive Research Summary

Must We Call It Therapy?

When does an ordinary encounter with nature become therapeutic? What changes when we describe it as therapy? And what might we overlook when every meaningful experience is expected to produce a measurable benefit?

Conceptual Analysis Professional Ethics Human–Nature Relationships Critical Discussion

Therapeutic potential is not the same as formal therapy.

A forest may contribute to well-being without the presence of a guide. A participant may experience restoration without receiving treatment. A professional may organise a session without being able to guarantee therapeutic improvement.

These possibilities are related, but they are not interchangeable. The distinction concerns what is being offered, what is experienced, what the evidence supports, and where professional responsibility begins.

Four distinctions that change the discussion.

The term therapeutic is often applied to several different dimensions of an experience. Understanding their differences helps avoid confusing personal meaning with clinical evidence, or professional intention with demonstrated outcomes.

01 / POSSIBILITY

Therapeutic Potential

Environmental conditions and activities may contribute to well-being, whether or not they are professionally organised.

02 / INTERPRETATION

Therapeutic Experience

An individual may perceive an encounter as restorative or meaningful without demonstrating clinically significant change.

03 / PURPOSE

Therapeutic Intention

A guide may design activities to support particular outcomes. Intention does not, however, guarantee effectiveness.

04 / PROFESSIONAL CONTEXT

Formal Treatment

Clinical or professional interventions involve defined responsibilities, competencies, objectives, and relevant standards of care.

Central distinction: These four dimensions may coexist within one encounter, but none automatically establishes the presence of the others. They are not stages in a hierarchy of therapeutic value.

Experience emerges through relationships.

Therapeutic experience cannot be adequately explained by the forest, participant, guide, or activity alone.

The relational framework considers four interacting dimensions: person, place, process, and time. Their influence depends upon the circumstances and outcomes under investigation.

This is a conceptual framework for research and interpretation, not an independently validated causal model.

◯ Person Capacities · History · Expectations
◇ Place Ecology · Sensory Conditions · Meaning
✧ Process Activities · Guidance · Social Interaction
◷ Time Duration · Repetition · Continuity
Human–Nature Experience Multiple possible outcomes, meanings and interpretations

Fifteen arguments. One fundamental question.

Select any numbered argument to explore its main conclusion. Each panel opens independently and can be closed again.

I

Definitions, meaning and mechanisms

16.1 The expansion of therapeutic terminology

Ordinary activities are increasingly described through health and therapeutic language. This development may support scientific recognition but can also blur the distinction between beneficial experiences and professional treatment.

Key argument: A therapeutic label should accurately communicate the service rather than imply an unverified level of clinical authority.

16.2 Potential, experience, intention and treatment

An experience can possess therapeutic potential without becoming formal treatment. Personal restoration, professional intention and clinical effectiveness must be evaluated as distinct dimensions.

Key argument: Meaningful experience is not automatically evidence of clinical improvement.

16.3 Can the forest be therapeutic without being a therapist?

Natural environments can influence human functioning without possessing clinical intentions or professional responsibilities. Environmental contribution should be distinguished from practitioner accountability.

Key argument: The forest may contribute to restoration without being understood literally as a therapist.

II

Guidance, agency and expectations

16.4 What does a professional guide add?

Guides may support environmental orientation, accessibility, preparation, safety and social participation. Existing comparisons do not establish that active facilitation is universally more therapeutic than less-guided nature immersion.

Key argument: Professional value need not depend on therapeutic superiority.

16.5 Professional facilitation and autonomy

The TMT® Scaffolded Model of Engagement proposes a participant-centred approach in which guidance supports engagement while allowing increasing freedom and personal choice.

Key argument: The guide facilitates conditions; the participant retains agency over personal experience.

16.6 Does therapeutic language change the experience?

Describing an encounter as therapy may influence expectations, attention and interpretation. Therapeutic framing can support participation, but may also create pressure to feel better.

Key argument: Framing may be part of the experience and deserves empirical investigation.

16.7 When nature does not produce restoration

Natural environments are not universally restorative. Discomfort, uncertainty, fatigue or absence of measurable benefit are possible and should be recognised.

Key argument: Participants should not be expected to demonstrate a prescribed emotional transformation.

III

Professional, social and ecological responsibilities

16.8 Must everything beneficial become an intervention?

Music, writing, movement, relationships and time in nature may contribute to well-being while remaining valuable for other reasons.

Key argument: An experience does not require a measurable therapeutic outcome to possess personal significance.

16.9 Certification, professional boundaries and the Three Co's

Certification may demonstrate specific guiding competencies, but does not automatically confer clinical authority. Co-creation, co-responsibility and co-being support participant-centred practice while preserving professional duties of care.

Key argument: Shared participation does not mean that professional responsibilities are transferred to participants.

16.10 Commercialisation: what is being sold?

Guides may legitimately charge for their expertise, preparation, risk management and facilitation. They cannot legitimately guarantee that a participant will experience psychological or physiological improvement.

Key argument: A professional service should not imply exclusive ownership of nature's potential benefits.

16.11 Therapeutic language and accessibility

Nature-based programmes may support people who face barriers to independent participation. Green social prescribing illustrates how health-related organisation can improve access without converting every activity into specialist treatment.

Key argument: Therapeutic frameworks can be useful when their purposes and limits are clearly communicated.

16.12 Ecological responsibility beyond human well-being

Forests are living ecological systems, not merely resources for human restoration. Professional activities should consider environmental disturbance, habitat protection and responsible site use.

Key argument: A forest's ecological value does not depend upon its therapeutic usefulness.

IV

Research, synthesis and final reflection

16.13 A relational agenda for research

Research should examine interactions among person, place, process and time, while distinguishing environmental exposure, facilitation, group context, expectations and measured outcomes.

Key argument: Ask what works, for whom, under which circumstances, through which processes and over what time.

16.14 Therapy and ordinary life can coexist

Scientific investigation, professional guiding, healthcare applications and independent nature engagement need not compete for legitimacy.

Key argument: Different purposes and professional contexts can coexist without requiring a hierarchy of experiences.

16.15 What might we lose by calling it therapy?

When every forest encounter is evaluated primarily through its therapeutic result, its ecological, cultural, contemplative and ordinary personal meanings may become less visible.

Final argument: Therapeutic terminology is valuable when appropriate, but should not become the only way we recognise the significance of nature experience.

Does professional guidance necessarily improve outcomes?

Studies comparing guided and less-guided forest experiences provide useful but methodologically distinct evidence.

Qualitative research · 2021

Kim & Shin

The study examined written reflections from 37 university students participating in guided and self-guided forest therapy. Different themes emerged, including introspection, emotional experiences and social interaction.

The findings concern participants' reported experiences, not established clinical superiority.

Read the research ↗

Comparative study · 2020

Lim, Dillon & Chew

The study examined 51 participants in guided and unguided nature immersion. Favourable psychological changes were observed, but the investigators did not find statistically significant additional benefits attributable to active guidance for the outcomes measured.

The unguided condition also included written sensory activity suggestions.

Read the research ↗

Professional guidance may influence how an experience unfolds without necessarily producing stronger therapeutic outcomes across every measured dimension.

The Final Reflection

Perhaps the forest does not need to become therapy in order to matter.

A person may enter the forest seeking restoration. Another may seek solitude, companionship, curiosity, or simply the experience of being outdoors. Some encounters may produce measurable benefits; others may become personally meaningful or remain ordinary.

Scientific research, responsible guiding and legitimate healthcare interventions can coexist with the freedom to experience nature without predetermined therapeutic objectives.

The challenge is to understand when therapeutic frameworks support human experience — and when those frameworks are unnecessary.

What do we gain by describing an experience as therapeutic — and what might we lose if that becomes the only way we know how to value it?

THE MINDFUL TOURIST · SHINRIN-YOKU · RESEARCH & CRITICAL REFLECTION

16. Discussion: Must We Call It Therapy?

The preceding sections of this article have examined Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy through their historical development, scientific foundations, conceptual distinctions, professional practices, ethical responsibilities, and relationships with wider social and ecological systems. Together, these perspectives raise a fundamental question concerning the contemporary organisation of nature-based experiences: under what conditions is it appropriate to describe an encounter with nature as therapeutic, and what are the consequences of formally identifying that encounter as therapy?

The increasing recognition that natural environments may contribute to psychological and physiological well-being has created important opportunities for scientific investigation, professional education, public health initiatives, and interdisciplinary collaboration. Research concerning stress physiology, affective states, attention, nature connectedness, and environmental experience provides grounds for considering nature contact within wider discussions of health and well-being (Hartig et al., 2014). Nevertheless, demonstrating that an experience may produce beneficial outcomes is not equivalent to establishing that the experience constitutes formal therapeutic treatment, requires professional supervision, or possesses a universally beneficial effect.

This distinction is particularly relevant to Shinrin-Yoku because the practice emerged within a cultural and historical context in which sensory immersion in forest environments was not necessarily dependent upon professional guidance or clinical objectives. As discussed in the earlier historical sections, the subsequent development of Shinrin Therapy, forest therapy, and related professional terminology reflects overlapping processes of scientific investigation, institutional organisation, translation, standardisation, and commercialisation. Although these expressions may acquire different meanings within particular organisations or jurisdictions, their differentiation does not, by itself, demonstrate the existence of fundamentally distinct environmental processes or therapeutic mechanisms.

Consistent with the terminology established in this article, Shinrin-Yoku, forest bathing, and forest therapy are therefore understood as closely related and frequently overlapping concepts. Distinctions are introduced where necessary to examine differences in historical usage, professional responsibility, intervention design, or clinical context, rather than to imply that each term necessarily identifies a separate practice or level of therapeutic effectiveness.

The central argument emerging from the preceding analysis is that therapeutic experience cannot be attributed exclusively to the natural environment, the professional guide, the participant’s intentions, or the organisation of a particular activity. Instead, its occurrence and significance must be considered in relation to interacting environmental, psychological, physiological, social, cultural, and temporal conditions. Professional guidance may influence these relationships, but it neither creates the fundamental human capacity to experience nature nor guarantees that a particular encounter will produce the intended outcome.

Consequently, the question Must we call it therapy? should not be interpreted as an argument for rejecting therapeutic terminology. Rather, it invites critical examination of the circumstances in which that terminology clarifies the purpose of an intervention and those in which it risks extending professional or clinical interpretations beyond what is theoretically justified, empirically demonstrated, or ethically appropriate.

16.1. The Expansion of Therapeutic Terminology: Between Recognition and Medicalisation

The contemporary expansion of therapeutic terminology extends beyond nature-based practices. Activities such as music listening, expressive writing, gardening, movement, meditation, and social participation are increasingly discussed in relation to psychological health, emotional regulation, and personal well-being. These developments reflect growing scientific interest in the contribution of everyday activities to human functioning. However, they also raise questions concerning the boundaries between ordinary experience, intentional health promotion, professionally facilitated intervention, and clinical treatment.

Conrad (2007) described medicalisation as a process through which aspects of human life become increasingly conceptualised and addressed through medical categories. Although the broader use of therapeutic language within contemporary wellness culture cannot be reduced entirely to medicalisation, the two developments share important conceptual concerns. Both involve the reinterpretation of experiences through frameworks of health, dysfunction, prevention, improvement, and professional intervention. Such reinterpretations may increase recognition of previously overlooked dimensions of human well-being, while simultaneously encouraging the assumption that experiences acquire greater legitimacy when they are associated with measurable therapeutic outcomes.

The distinction between ordinary beneficial activity and formal therapeutic practice becomes clearer when considered across disciplines. For example, the American Music Therapy Association (n.d.) defines music therapy in relation to clinical and evidence-based interventions delivered by appropriately credentialed professionals within therapeutic relationships. This professional designation is not interchangeable with ordinary music listening, despite evidence and personal experience suggesting that music may influence mood, attention, or emotional states. The potential benefits of music do not, in themselves, transform every encounter with music into clinical music therapy.

A comparable conceptual distinction is relevant to forest-based experiences. An individual may walk independently through a forest and experience psychological restoration. Another person may participate in an organised Shinrin-Yoku session facilitated by a trained guide. A healthcare professional may incorporate nature-based activities into an intervention addressing defined health-related objectives. These encounters may share substantial environmental and experiential characteristics while differing in their organisational structures, professional obligations, intended outcomes, and evidential requirements.

Importantly, this analytical distinction should not be confused with the assumption that Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy represent universally separate activities. As the historical analysis in this article has demonstrated, the development of these terms has not followed a uniform international trajectory. Japanese terminology reflects conceptual continuity alongside subsequent developments in research, certification, institutional frameworks, and health-oriented applications. In other national contexts, including Poland, additional distinctions have emerged through translation, professional identity formation, educational practices, and the organisation of commercial services. Such distinctions may serve practical purposes, but they should not be interpreted as evidence of different therapeutic mechanisms without corresponding empirical support.

The central concern is therefore not the existence of therapeutic terminology itself, but the relationship between terminology and representation. Describing an experience as therapy may communicate professional competence, a defined health-related purpose, or an expectation of effectiveness. These implications may be appropriate when the service is clearly described and supported by relevant evidence. They become problematic when terminology suggests clinical authority, therapeutic superiority, or guaranteed improvement beyond the competencies of the practitioner or the findings of available research.

Accordingly, the professional credibility of forest-based practices should depend less upon the adoption of particular therapeutic labels than upon the transparency with which their purposes, methods, competencies, responsibilities, and limitations are communicated.

16.2. Distinguishing Therapeutic Potential, Experience, Intention, and Formal Treatment

A central contribution of the present article is the distinction between four dimensions frequently conflated in discussions of Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy: therapeutic potential, subjective therapeutic experience, therapeutic intention, and formal therapeutic treatment. These dimensions may coexist within the same encounter, but they do not necessarily imply one another, nor do they represent successive stages through which an experience must progress.

Therapeutic potential refers to the possibility that particular environmental conditions, activities, or experiences may contribute to beneficial psychological or physiological outcomes. Forest environments may provide opportunities for sensory engagement, physical movement, attentional restoration, social interaction, and changes in stress-related physiological responses. Such possibilities may exist independently of whether the individual intentionally seeks therapeutic benefit or participates in a professionally organised intervention.

Subjective therapeutic experience concerns the individual’s interpretation of an encounter as restorative, emotionally meaningful, calming, supportive, or otherwise beneficial. Such experiences possess legitimate phenomenological significance, but their occurrence does not necessarily establish clinically meaningful change. A person may describe a forest encounter as deeply therapeutic without demonstrating a measurable improvement in a particular health outcome. Conversely, changes in selected physiological or psychological indicators may occur without the individual interpreting the experience as therapeutic.

Therapeutic intention concerns the purpose for which an activity or programme is organised. A guide may design a Shinrin-Yoku session to support relaxation, attentional awareness, social connection, or nature connectedness. Such intentions provide a rationale for intervention design, yet their existence cannot establish whether the anticipated outcomes occur. This distinction is essential because the description of a programme’s objectives should not be mistaken for evidence of its effectiveness.

Formal therapeutic treatment introduces a further dimension involving professional scope, defined objectives, accountability, and, where relevant, clinical assessment, monitoring, and standards of care. The precise meaning of formal therapy depends upon the professional discipline and regulatory jurisdiction. It should not be assumed that every service using the term therapy constitutes psychotherapy or treatment of a diagnosed condition.

Table 16.1. Conceptual distinctions relevant to the interpretation of forest-based experiences

Dimension

Principal characteristic

What it does not establish

Therapeutic potential

Environmental or experiential conditions may contribute to well-being.

That a benefit necessarily occurs or that professional intervention is required.

Subjective therapeutic experience

The individual interprets an encounter as beneficial, restorative, or meaningful.

That clinically significant change or a specific physiological mechanism has been demonstrated.

Therapeutic intention

An activity is organised to support defined health- or well-being-related objectives.

That the intended outcome occurs or that the facilitator possesses clinical qualifications.

Formal therapeutic treatment

An intervention operates within a defined professional or clinical framework with relevant standards and responsibilities.

That the intervention is necessarily more meaningful, effective, or appropriate than other forms of nature engagement for every individual.

These distinctions demonstrate that therapeutic significance is not reducible to a single property of an encounter. A person may experience therapeutic benefit without participating in formal treatment, while a professionally organised intervention may fail to produce its intended outcome. Similarly, an experience may possess personal meaning without having a therapeutic objective, and an activity may be scientifically investigated without requiring its universal classification as therapy.

The distinction also challenges the assumption that the language of treatment is necessary for establishing scientific relevance. Research may legitimately investigate the effects of ordinary forest exposure upon attention, mood, physiological regulation, or subjective well-being without redefining every instance of nature contact as an intervention.

The broader implication is that therapeutic classifications should be understood as context-dependent analytical and professional categories rather than inherent properties of forests, human activities, or personal experiences.

16.3. Can the Forest Be Therapeutic Without Being a Therapist?

The expression the forest is the therapist illustrates an important tension within contemporary forest therapy discourse. As a metaphor, it may acknowledge that the natural environment contributes to an encounter independently of professional facilitation. However, interpreted literally, the expression risks attributing to the forest forms of intentional agency and professional responsibility that belong to human practitioners.

A forest does not establish clinical objectives, assess psychological needs, provide informed consent procedures, or assume responsibility for safeguarding. Its ecological processes are not organised for the purpose of treating human conditions. Nevertheless, recognising these limitations does not require treating the environment as a passive backdrop against which professional interventions occur.

Environmental psychology has demonstrated that characteristics of natural environments may influence psychological functioning through multiple interacting pathways (Hartig et al., 2014). Similarly, Gesler’s (1992) concept of therapeutic landscapes directs attention toward the relationships among physical environments, cultural interpretations, personal histories, and social circumstances through which particular places acquire therapeutic significance. These perspectives challenge explanations that locate therapeutic influence exclusively within either environmental properties or individual psychological processes.

The conceptual distinction developed in the preceding sections between causal contribution and professional accountability is especially important here. An environment may contribute causally to a psychological or physiological response without possessing intention or assuming ethical responsibility. A guide, by contrast, may be responsible for the organisation and safety of an encounter without being the exclusive source of its beneficial effects.

A person sitting quietly beneath a tree may experience changes in attention, emotion, or bodily state without consciously engaging in a therapeutic technique. However, attributing these changes exclusively to the forest would also be scientifically problematic. Physical rest, reduced demands, prior experiences, expectations, sensory characteristics, and the meanings associated with the place may all contribute to the response. Moreover, these factors may interact in ways that cannot be understood through the examination of one environmental component alone.

This argument is consistent with the broader relational perspective developed in the article. The forest contributes conditions and affordances through which experiences may emerge, while participants engage with those conditions through their capacities, histories, circumstances, and interpretations. When professional guidance or group participation is present, additional interpersonal and organisational influences become relevant.

The forest may therefore be understood as an active environmental contributor to experience without being anthropomorphised as a clinical practitioner. Its therapeutic potential may not depend upon attributing human intentions to ecological processes, as there exist many types of natural environments. 

16.4. Reconsidering the Added Value of Professional Guidance

If nature contact may contribute to well-being independently of professional intervention, the distinctive contribution of a Shinrin-Yoku guide requires further examination. This question should not be framed as a choice between the assumption that guides are universally necessary and the opposing conclusion that professional guidance provides no meaningful benefit.

The available empirical evidence suggests a more differentiated interpretation.

Kim and Shin (2021) investigated guided and self-guided forest therapy among 37 undergraduate students. The researchers examined participants’ written reflections and identified thematic differences between the conditions. Self-guided participants more frequently expressed themes associated with introspection, whereas guided participants more frequently described emotional changes and social interaction. These findings suggest that the organisation of an encounter may influence the aspects of experience that participants notice, interpret, and subsequently report.

However, the study’s findings should not be interpreted as evidence that guidance produces superior clinical outcomes. Its principal contribution lies in identifying differences within participants’ self-reported experiences rather than demonstrating a general therapeutic advantage through clinical or physiological outcome measurements. The relatively small and specific participant population further limits generalisation.

Lim et al. (2020) examined 51 participants assigned to guided or unguided nature immersion, assessing mood, nature connectedness, environmental identity, and heart rate. The researchers reported favourable changes in mood and nature connectedness following immersion but did not identify statistically significant differences between the guided and unguided conditions in the changes measured. Heart rate did not demonstrate a significant overall improvement attributable to the immersion conditions. Importantly, the unguided condition included written suggestions for sensory activities, meaning that the comparison concerned the presence or absence of active facilitation within an organised experience rather than a comparison between structured guiding and entirely spontaneous nature contact.

Together, these studies indicate that differences in facilitation may affect the character of forest experiences without establishing that guidance necessarily produces stronger therapeutic outcomes. They also reveal the importance of specifying what constitutes a guided or unguided condition, since the absence of a physically present facilitator does not necessarily imply the absence of instructions, expectations, or organisational structure.

Professional guiding may nevertheless offer contributions that are not adequately represented by short-term physiological or psychological measures. These include environmental orientation, accessibility support, preparation, risk assessment, group facilitation, educational interpretation, and opportunities for engagement that participants may not otherwise pursue. A guide may also create conditions for social participation, which can constitute an important aspect of the experience independently of measurable changes in stress-related indicators.

The relevance of these contributions varies among individuals and contexts. A participant unfamiliar with forest environments may appreciate orientation and reassurance, while another may value the companionship of a group. A person accustomed to independent nature engagement or contemplative practice may prefer minimal facilitation. Neither preference establishes a universal hierarchy of therapeutic value.

In my earlier discussion of professional guidance (Guziak, 2026b), I proposed that guides may support meaningful re-engagement with natural environments, particularly when contemporary living conditions, unfamiliarity, or practical barriers limit opportunities for contact. This proposition does not imply that participants require guides to experience nature meaningfully. Rather, it identifies professional facilitation as one possible means of supporting engagement under particular circumstances.

The professional legitimacy of a Shinrin-Yoku guide need not depend upon demonstrating that guided experiences are universally more therapeutic than independent nature contact. It may instead rest upon the guide’s capacity to provide a clearly defined, ethically responsible, accessible, and appropriately facilitated service.

16.5. Professional Facilitation, Participant Agency, and the Possibility of Autonomy

The relationship between guidance and participant autonomy forms a further dimension of professional responsibility. The professionalisation of Shinrin-Yoku may create the impression that meaningful nature engagement requires specialised techniques, prescribed sequences, or expert interpretation. Yet sensory perception, contemplation, emotional experience, and the development of personal relationships with natural environments are not capacities created through guide training.

Within the TMT® Scaffolded Model of Engagement, I have proposed a participant-centred approach in which facilitation provides initial structure while progressively allowing greater degrees of freedom (Guziak, 2023). The model draws upon principles of scaffolded learning and recognises that participants may benefit from varying levels of support as they become more familiar with particular forms of sensory attention, environmental exploration, and independent engagement.

The progressive movement from structured sensory invitations toward more open-ended exploration is not intended to prescribe an internal emotional trajectory. Rather, it concerns the relationship between externally provided guidance and the opportunities available for participant choice. A guide may introduce an invitation, establish an appropriate time frame, or encourage attention to particular environmental characteristics. However, the participant retains the capacity to interpret, modify, decline, or respond differently to the invitation.

This distinction reflects an important limitation of professional influence. Guides may structure the conditions of an encounter, but they cannot fully determine what participants perceive, remember, feel, or understand. A sensory invitation may evoke curiosity in one participant, indifference in another, and discomfort in a third. These differences should not automatically be interpreted as varying levels of successful engagement.

The model therefore places particular emphasis upon the guide’s capacity to recognise when structure supports participation and when additional direction risks constraining spontaneous engagement. Increasing autonomy does not necessarily require the complete withdrawal of professional support, just as continued participation in guided sessions does not necessarily indicate dependence.

An individual may become more confident visiting natural environments independently after participating in a structured programme. Such a development can represent a valuable educational or behavioural outcome, particularly when the programme aims to support sustained relationships with nature. However, the empirical occurrence of this outcome should be investigated rather than assumed.

Other participants may continue preferring guided experiences because they value companionship, environmental interpretation, cultural learning, or the opportunity to participate within a supportive social structure. Continued guidance may remain appropriate when it represents an informed preference rather than an implied requirement for experiencing nature beneficially.

The broader principle is that participant-centred facilitation should expand meaningful possibilities for engagement without establishing professional dependence as a necessary condition of well-being.

16.6. Therapeutic Framing, Expectations, and the Interpretation of Experience

The terminology used to describe a forest encounter may influence how participants approach and interpret it. An individual entering a forest for recreation may anticipate enjoyment, movement, or an ordinary period outdoors. Someone attending a programme described as forest therapy may anticipate relaxation, psychological restoration, emotional insight, or an identifiable improvement in well-being. Although the physical environment may remain comparable, the interpretive context differs.

Moerman and Jonas (2002) introduced the concept of the meaning response to emphasise the influence of symbolic and contextual meaning upon responses to healthcare encounters. While this framework does not establish a particular mechanism within Shinrin-Yoku, it offers a useful conceptual perspective from which to consider how expectations, practitioner communication, ritual elements, and perceived professional authority may shape forest experiences.

For example, sitting silently beneath a tree may be interpreted differently when introduced as a therapeutic invitation than when undertaken spontaneously. Likewise, a group reflection may acquire additional significance because participants understand the session as an organised opportunity for emotional awareness or nature connection. Such differences are not necessarily artificial or undesirable. They indicate that the meaning attached to an encounter may itself form part of the experience.

Nevertheless, expectations may produce different consequences depending upon the individual and circumstances. A therapeutic framework may provide reassurance, legitimacy, or motivation for participation. Conversely, it may introduce pressure to experience improvement, particularly when relaxation, emotional release, or personal transformation is presented as the anticipated result.

This consideration becomes especially important when a professionally organised session involves contemplative practices, silence, interpersonal sharing, or reflection. Participants may become more aware of difficult emotions, personal memories, or unresolved concerns. Such experiences should not automatically be interpreted as evidence that a therapeutic process has occurred, nor should discomfort be presented as a necessary stage of healing.

The social context adds another dimension. Group participation may create opportunities for companionship, shared attention, recognition, and interpersonal support. At the same time, group dynamics may influence what participants feel comfortable expressing or disclosing. The perceived expectation to report a positive experience may shape both the encounter itself and subsequent accounts of its effects.

Consequently, therapeutic framing should be treated as a potentially influential component of an intervention rather than a neutral description. Future research could investigate how different programme descriptions, facilitator introductions, and expectations influence reported experiences and measured outcomes. Such research would contribute to understanding whether the designation of an encounter as therapy affects responses independently of, or in interaction with, environmental exposure and programme structure.

16.7. The Limits of Restoration: When Nature Does Not Produce the Expected Outcome

The growing emphasis upon the health benefits of nature contact may unintentionally encourage an overly uniform representation of natural environments as restorative. However, the available literature does not support the assumption that all natural settings, activities, or encounters produce beneficial responses for every individual.

Gatersleben and Andrews (2013) demonstrated that the restorative qualities of natural environments may vary according to environmental characteristics, including perceived visibility, accessibility, and opportunities for concealment. Their findings indicated that some environments associated with limited prospect and greater refuge may increase stress or attentional demands rather than promote restoration. This challenges the assumption that an environment’s natural character is sufficient to establish its restorative potential.

The experience of nature is also shaped by familiarity, physical accessibility, weather conditions, sensory preferences, previous experiences, and perceived safety. A forest that evokes tranquillity in one person may generate uncertainty or discomfort in another. These responses may change over time and cannot necessarily be predicted through general descriptions of the environment.

Within professionally guided Shinrin-Yoku, this variability has direct ethical implications. Practitioners should avoid promising particular emotional states or assuming that participants who do not report relaxation have failed to engage appropriately. An individual may experience boredom, irritation, sadness, fatigue, or no noticeable psychological change. These responses do not automatically indicate unsuccessful participation, nor should they be reinterpreted as beneficial without appropriate justification.

The distinction is particularly relevant to programmes incorporating mindfulness or emotionally reflective invitations. Greater awareness of difficult thoughts or feelings should not, by itself, be equated with therapeutic progress. Where distress occurs, professional responsibility involves recognising its significance, respecting participant choice, adapting or discontinuing activities when appropriate, and remaining within established professional boundaries.

A participant-centred approach therefore requires more than communicating the possibility of benefit. It also involves acknowledging uncertainty, obtaining meaningful consent, preserving the freedom to decline invitations, and avoiding pressure to disclose personal experiences.

The legitimacy of the encounter should not depend upon the participant demonstrating a particular emotional response. Likewise, the credibility of professional guiding should not depend upon interpreting every experience as evidence of therapeutic success.

16.8. Does Every Beneficial Experience Need to Become an Intervention?

The distinction between therapeutic possibility and formal intervention leads to a broader philosophical concern: whether activities that contribute to well-being must be understood primarily through their health-related effects.

Human beings participate in music, movement, writing, gardening, contemplation, social gatherings, and nature contact for many reasons. These activities may support psychological or physical well-being, yet their meaning is not necessarily exhausted by their measurable benefits. People may listen to music because they enjoy its aesthetic qualities, write to express themselves, walk because they appreciate movement, or visit familiar places because those environments form part of their personal histories.

Similarly, the experience of being in a forest may possess aesthetic, cultural, ecological, existential, recreational, or relational significance independently of its therapeutic potential. An individual may appreciate seasonal changes, recognise a familiar tree, observe wildlife, or spend time in solitude without seeking psychological improvement.

The increasing interpretation of such experiences through the language of health may influence how their value is understood. Activities once appreciated for their own sake may become assessed primarily according to whether they reduce stress, improve attention, or produce measurable changes in psychological functioning. Although these outcomes are legitimate subjects of scientific investigation, their importance should not be extended into a requirement that every personally meaningful activity justify itself through demonstrable therapeutic effectiveness.

This consideration is particularly relevant to the distinction explored earlier in the article between nature as a place to do and nature as a place to be. The distinction does not imply that intentional activity and open-ended presence are mutually exclusive. Rather, it highlights different orientations through which individuals encounter natural environments.

A professionally structured session may involve carefully selected activities directed toward particular objectives. Such organisation can facilitate participation and provide a basis for evaluating defined outcomes. However, an unstructured encounter may allow attention and personal significance to emerge without being directed toward predetermined aims.

Neither form of engagement is inherently superior. Their relevance depends upon the individual, circumstances, and purposes under consideration.

A person may enter a forest intending to relax but subsequently become absorbed in an unexpected observation. Another may arrive without a particular objective and experience emotional relief. A third may encounter nothing especially memorable and still value the opportunity to spend time outdoors.

These experiences should not be arranged into a hierarchy in which greater emotional intensity or therapeutic interpretation necessarily indicates greater value.

Recognising the legitimacy of non-therapeutic experience is not an argument against scientific research or organised interventions. It is an acknowledgment that research investigates selected dimensions of human experience without necessarily providing an exhaustive account of their significance.

16.9. Professional Legitimacy, Ethical Responsibility, and the Boundaries of Practice

Professionalisation has contributed to the development of educational programmes, certification procedures, ethical codes, and organisational standards within Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy. These developments may strengthen professional competence, improve consistency of preparation, and support more responsible facilitation. Nevertheless, certification and professional affiliation should not be interpreted as evidence of clinical authority or therapeutic superiority unless those claims are independently justified.

The meaning of certification depends upon the competencies assessed, educational requirements, professional scope, and institutional or regulatory framework within which it operates. Completing guide training may demonstrate competence in designing and facilitating nature-based experiences, assessing environmental risks, communicating with participants, and adapting activities to particular circumstances. It does not necessarily establish competence to diagnose psychological conditions, provide psychotherapy, or undertake other regulated healthcare activities.

Within the educational framework of The Mindful Tourist and the Shinrin-Yoku Association, the principles of co-creation, co-responsibility, and co-being provide an ethical and pedagogical orientation toward participant-centred facilitation. Their relevance lies in recognising that forest experiences emerge through relationships among the participant, environment, guide, and, when present, other group members, while retaining appropriate professional boundaries.

Co-creation acknowledges that the unfolding experience cannot be fully predetermined by the facilitator. Participants contribute through their perceptions, choices, histories, and responses, while environmental conditions and social interactions influence the possibilities available to them. Co-responsibility recognises participant agency and the importance of reciprocal communication, but it does not transfer the guide’s professional duties of preparation, risk assessment, safeguarding, or ethical decision-making to participants. Co-being supports the possibility of participation without requiring performance, emotional disclosure, or demonstration of particular outcomes.

These principles should be understood as normative and pedagogical commitments rather than independently verified therapeutic mechanisms. Their professional relevance depends upon how they inform observable decisions and practices.

The relational distribution of influences upon an experience should therefore not be confused with an equal distribution of professional accountability. Although participants contribute to what occurs, the practitioner organising a service remains responsible for matters falling within their professional role and relevant legal obligations.

Recognising the limits of control is compatible with, and may strengthen, professional responsibility. A guide who acknowledges that outcomes cannot be guaranteed may be better positioned to communicate uncertainty, respond to individual differences, and avoid overstating the benefits of a particular approach.

Professional credibility should consequently be grounded in demonstrable competencies, transparent communication, appropriate safeguarding, and recognition of the boundaries between well-being facilitation and clinical treatment.

16.10. The Commercialisation of Forest Experience: What Is Actually Being Offered?

The commercial development of Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy introduces further questions concerning professional value, therapeutic representation, and access to natural environments.

Guides may legitimately charge for services involving training, preparation, site assessment, insurance, environmental knowledge, accessibility planning, group organisation, and responsible facilitation. These activities require professional labour and may provide meaningful opportunities for participants. The ethical question does not concern the existence of financial exchange alone, but rather the accuracy with which the nature of the service is represented.

When participants purchase a professionally guided forest experience, they may be purchasing the practitioner’s preparation, expertise, organisational structure, and facilitation. They are not necessarily purchasing a guaranteed psychological or physiological result. The distinction matters because the natural environment’s ecological characteristics are not produced by the guide, and participants’ capacities for perception, contemplation, and meaning-making exist independently of professional services.

Commercial descriptions become problematic when they imply that a particular practitioner possesses exclusive access to the therapeutic benefits of nature or that meaningful forest experiences require paid facilitation. Such claims risk converting professional support into a perceived prerequisite for capacities and experiences that may also develop independently.

This concern does not suggest that commercial forest guiding is inherently exploitative. Professional services may improve accessibility, introduce unfamiliar forms of engagement, create valued social experiences, and support individuals who would otherwise encounter barriers to participation. Nevertheless, commercial legitimacy should derive from the quality, relevance, and responsibility of the service rather than from unsupported claims of therapeutic necessity.

The possibility that participants may become more confident engaging with nature independently presents an important ethical consideration. Where programmes aim to encourage sustained nature contact, the development of autonomous engagement may constitute a desirable outcome even when it reduces reliance upon organised sessions.

At the same time, participants may continue choosing guided experiences because they value the associated social, educational, cultural, or contemplative dimensions. Professional participation and independent engagement can therefore coexist without contradiction.

Commercialisation also intersects with terminology. The designation of an activity as forest therapy may convey greater perceived therapeutic authority than forest bathing or Shinrin-Yoku in particular markets. However, such differences in perceived meaning do not necessarily correspond to differences in evidence, competence, or intervention components.

The historical development and international differentiation of these terms should therefore be examined in relation to institutions, language, professional structures, and commercial incentives without reducing their evolution to commercialisation alone.

The wider responsibility of the field is to distinguish clearly between the professional service being offered and the possible benefits that may emerge through the experience.

16.11. Therapeutic Terminology as a Means of Supporting Access

Although the preceding discussion identifies important limitations of therapeutic language, its potential contribution to public health and accessibility should also be recognised. The integration of nature-based activities into health-related frameworks may support institutional recognition, interdisciplinary collaboration, and the development of programmes for individuals who encounter barriers to ordinary nature contact.

Green social prescribing provides a relevant example. NHS England (n.d.) describes this approach as connecting individuals with nature-based activities and community opportunities intended to support physical and mental health. These may include walking groups, gardening, conservation activities, and other forms of outdoor participation. Such programmes illustrate how health-related organisation can support access to meaningful activities without requiring that each activity constitute specialist clinical treatment.

This distinction has important implications for the interpretation of professional necessity. Independent access to nature is not equally available to all individuals. Mobility limitations, disability-related barriers, financial circumstances, social isolation, unfamiliarity with outdoor environments, transport difficulties, and geographical inequalities may influence opportunities for participation. Under such conditions, professional facilitation or community organisation may provide practical support that would otherwise be unavailable.

The potential value of these programmes therefore extends beyond the question of whether a guide produces stronger immediate physiological effects than unguided exposure. Accessibility, sustained participation, confidence, social inclusion, and the removal of practical barriers may represent relevant objectives in their own right.

Nevertheless, including nature-based activities within health-related services does not remove the need for conceptual precision. A community walking programme, a guided Shinrin-Yoku session, and a clinically delivered nature-based intervention may fulfil different functions even when they take place in similar environments.

The appropriate terminology should reflect the actual purpose, organisation, competencies, and responsibilities of each service. In this context, therapeutic language can support recognition and access when used accurately, but may create misunderstanding when it obscures differences between community participation, preventive health promotion, and specialist treatment.

16.12. Ecological Responsibility Beyond the Therapeutic Value of Forests

The interpretation of forests primarily through their contributions to human health introduces an additional ethical concern. While evidence of psychological and physiological benefits may strengthen public arguments for environmental protection, an exclusively therapeutic representation risks reducing forests to resources valued principally for their usefulness to human beings.

Such an approach may emphasise trees because they contribute to stress reduction, environmental sounds because they influence attention, or particular landscapes because they can be marketed as restorative destinations. These perspectives have legitimate research and public health applications, but they do not exhaust the ecological, cultural, or relational significance of forests.

As considered in Section 13, the distinction among instrumental, intrinsic, and relational values provides a broader basis for understanding human–nature relationships. Forests are ecological systems containing organisms, processes, and interdependencies that continue regardless of whether human visitors experience restoration. Their significance cannot be reduced to the production of measurable human well-being.

A relational perspective also requires consideration of the ecological consequences of professionally organised nature engagement. Group activities, repeated visits, site selection, and commercial promotion may influence vegetation, wildlife, soil conditions, and the wider landscape. Responsible practice should therefore include attention to habitat disturbance, appropriate use of trails, local access regulations, group size, and the cumulative effects of recreational or commercial activity.

Importantly, ecological responsibility should not be made conditional upon participants achieving particular emotional experiences. A person may act responsibly toward an environment without reporting gratitude, spiritual connection, or increased nature connectedness. Conversely, a strong subjective sense of connection does not necessarily establish corresponding conservation behaviour.

This distinction reflects the evidence considered in the earlier ecological discussion, where relationships among nature connectedness, environmental concern, behavioural intention, and observable ecological action were treated as important but not inevitable. Professional organisations should therefore evaluate environmental responsibility through appropriate practices and outcomes rather than assume that meaningful forest experiences automatically produce ecological stewardship.

The recognition of therapeutic potential should be accompanied by an equally serious recognition of ecological responsibility. A forest does not need to demonstrate therapeutic usefulness in order to merit protection, just as a participant does not need to experience emotional transformation in order to engage with it respectfully.

16.13. Integrating the Relational Framework: Implications for Research and Practice

The conceptual framework developed in Section 14 offers a means of integrating the distinctions examined throughout this discussion. By considering forest experiences through relationships among person, place, process, and time, the framework provides an analytical structure for examining how therapeutic potential, subjective experience, professional organisation, and observed outcomes may interact.

The person dimension includes physical capacities, psychological circumstances, previous experiences, cultural expectations, intentions, and preferences. The place dimension concerns ecological and sensory characteristics, familiarity, accessibility, environmental conditions, and culturally attributed meanings. The process dimension encompasses movement, sensory attention, contemplation, social interaction, activities, and professional facilitation. The time dimension concerns duration, frequency, prior exposure, continuity, and the development of relationships with particular environments.

These dimensions should not be understood as a validated causal model or as a comprehensive explanation of therapeutic mechanisms. Rather, they provide a conceptual framework for identifying potentially relevant relationships and generating questions that can be investigated empirically.

The horizontal and vertical dimensions of nature engagement discussed in my earlier work (Guziak, 2026a) similarly draw attention to the distinction between continuity or frequency of contact and the subjective quality or depth of engagement. An individual may visit a forest frequently without interpreting every encounter as meaningful, while another may experience a brief visit as highly significant. Repeated participation may contribute to familiarity, attachment, and changing patterns of engagement, but such developments should not automatically be interpreted as evidence of progressively greater therapeutic effectiveness.

From this perspective, a guided session represents one possible event within a developing human–environment relationship rather than the definitive source of that relationship. The meaningfulness of an encounter may depend partly upon experiences occurring before and after the organised activity, including independent visits, personal reflection, and interactions within everyday life.

This relational interpretation has methodological implications. Research investigating forest-based interventions should distinguish among environmental exposure, activities undertaken, professional facilitation, group participation, participant expectations, and the outcomes being measured. Without such distinctions, observed changes may be attributed to an intervention as a whole even when the relative contributions of its components remain uncertain.

The Medical Research Council framework for complex interventions, updated by Skivington et al. (2021), provides a relevant methodological perspective. It emphasises the importance of understanding intervention components, contexts, implementation, hypothesised mechanisms, and interactions among these factors. This approach is especially appropriate for forest-based practices because their effects may arise through multiple pathways operating simultaneously.

Future research would benefit from comparing clearly described forms of nature engagement, including genuinely independent visits, minimally facilitated experiences, structured group sessions, and professionally delivered interventions. Where feasible, studies should distinguish environmental exposure from the additional contribution of invitations, social interaction, practitioner presence, and therapeutic framing.

The interpretation of results should also reflect the type of evidence collected. Qualitative accounts may illuminate personal meaning, perceived change, and the character of an experience, whereas validated outcome measures may provide evidence concerning specific psychological or physiological dimensions. Neither form of evidence should be presented as establishing claims beyond what the methods support.

Longitudinal research may be particularly valuable in examining whether guided experiences influence subsequent independent nature engagement, sustained well-being, place attachment, or continued participation. Such investigation could help determine whether professional facilitation contributes to outcomes that are not immediately evident through short-term pre- and post-session measurements.

Equally important is the systematic consideration of neutral, unfavourable, or unexpected responses. Research should not assume that the absence of improvement reflects inadequate participation, insufficient immersion, or failure to follow a guide’s instructions. A scientifically credible field must remain capable of recognising circumstances in which particular practices are ineffective, inappropriate, or less suitable than alternatives.

The relational framework therefore should not replace causal investigation with broad conceptual explanations. Its value lies in supporting more precise questions: which dimensions of an encounter contribute to particular outcomes, for whom, through which processes, under what circumstances, and over what period of time?

16.14. Must We Choose Between Therapy and Ordinary Human Experience?

The preceding discussion reveals an apparent tension between two perspectives on nature engagement. One emphasises the scientific investigation of psychological and physiological outcomes, the development of professional standards, and the integration of nature-based practices into health-related services. The other emphasises the legitimacy of ordinary experience, participant autonomy, personal meaning, and the possibility of spending time in nature without predetermined therapeutic objectives.

These perspectives need not be mutually exclusive. Scientific research can investigate the potential benefits of natural environments without requiring that every encounter be understood as treatment. Professional guides can provide structured and ethically responsible services while recognising that individuals may engage with nature independently. Public health programmes can support access to outdoor experiences without transforming every recreational or community activity into clinical therapy.

The tension becomes problematic primarily when one framework is treated as sufficient to explain all forms of engagement. If every meaningful forest encounter is interpreted through therapeutic terminology, the plurality of cultural, recreational, ecological, contemplative, and personal meanings may become obscured. Conversely, rejecting therapeutic terminology entirely would overlook legitimate developments in prevention, rehabilitation, healthcare, and professionally supported nature engagement.

A more appropriate response is to distinguish the purpose and professional context of an activity from its possible consequences. An individual may participate in a forest encounter without therapeutic intention and nevertheless experience beneficial effects. Another may seek therapy but experience no measurable improvement. A professionally facilitated session may support particular forms of engagement without being clinically oriented, while a nature-based activity incorporated into legitimate healthcare may require a more clearly defined therapeutic framework.

These differences should not be organised into an assumed hierarchy in which clinical designation necessarily represents greater significance or effectiveness. They instead reflect different ways of relating intention, experience, organisation, professional responsibility, and evidence.

The question Must we call it therapy? can therefore be answered only in relation to the circumstances in which the term is used. For ordinary recreation, therapeutic terminology may be unnecessary. For an individual describing personal restoration, it may express the subjective quality of an experience. For a professionally organised well-being programme, it should be accompanied by accurate communication concerning its purpose and limitations. Within clinical care, it may carry more specific professional and regulatory implications.

What matters is not the universal adoption or rejection of a particular expression, but whether that expression improves understanding of what is being offered, experienced, and demonstrated.

16.15. Concluding Reflection: What Do We Gain—and What Might We Lose—By Calling It Therapy?

The question of therapeutic terminology ultimately returns us to the relationship between intention, experience, and interpretation. Human beings frequently approach activities with particular expectations: to become calmer, to understand themselves more clearly, to improve their health, or to develop a stronger connection with nature. Such intentions may encourage meaningful engagement, yet they cannot fully determine what unfolds.

A forest visit intended for relaxation may evoke reflection, uncertainty, or unexpected memories. An organised sensory invitation may lead a participant toward an observation different from the one anticipated by the guide. A period of silence may become personally significant, or it may remain an ordinary interval without a notable psychological consequence.

These possibilities do not necessarily represent different degrees of successful participation. They demonstrate that experience remains partly open to circumstances and responses that cannot be fully specified in advance.

Within my continuing meditation and reflective writing practice, I have increasingly considered the relationship between the intention to achieve a particular state and the possibility of observing experience without requiring it to become something else. Although such reflection does not constitute empirical evidence, it provides a philosophical perspective relevant to the questions examined in this article. If every period of contact with nature is approached primarily as an opportunity to achieve restoration, the encounter may become subject to continuous evaluation against an anticipated outcome.

This raises a concern extending beyond the professional terminology of Shinrin-Yoku. When an experience is considered valuable principally because of what it produces, its significance may become increasingly dependent upon demonstrable improvement. Yet ordinary human life contains experiences whose value does not necessarily depend upon measurable change.

Scientific investigation remains essential for evaluating specific health-related claims, identifying limitations, and informing responsible practice. However, scientific measurement necessarily addresses selected aspects of complex experiences. The absence of a demonstrated therapeutic outcome should not automatically be interpreted as the absence of personal, cultural, aesthetic, or relational significance.

Similarly, the value of professional guidance should not depend upon the assumption that individuals are unable to engage meaningfully with nature without expert assistance. Guides may contribute through preparation, accessibility, group facilitation, environmental knowledge, professional responsibility, and the creation of opportunities for engagement. These contributions can possess legitimate value without requiring claims of universal therapeutic superiority.

The same principle applies to the natural environment. Forests may influence psychological and physiological functioning, yet their ecological significance does not depend upon their usefulness for human restoration. They remain living systems with histories, processes, and relationships extending beyond the purposes of those who visit them.

The central conclusion of this article is therefore not that Shinrin-Yoku should abandon therapeutic language, nor that forest therapy should be understood exclusively as a clinical intervention. Rather, it is that therapeutic terminology should be used with conceptual precision, empirical responsibility, and sensitivity to the diversity of human–nature relationships.

An experience may contribute to well-being without being organised around well-being. It may be subjectively therapeutic without constituting formal treatment. It may be professionally facilitated without producing a clinically significant outcome. And it may form part of legitimate healthcare when appropriate professional conditions and evidential standards are satisfied.

These possibilities can coexist without requiring one universal definition of what nature experience must become.

The future development of Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy may therefore depend less upon establishing exclusive ownership of therapeutic benefits and more upon cultivating a field capable of recognising its own boundaries. Such a field would investigate health-related effects without exaggerating causal certainty, establish professional standards without diminishing participant agency, support commercial services without implying that meaningful nature contact must be purchased, and promote human well-being without subordinating ecological value to human usefulness.

Ultimately, the most important distinction may not be between an experience labelled therapy and one that is not. It may lie between an approach that seeks to define and control the significance of an encounter and one that recognises the complexity of what may emerge through relationships among people, places, activities, and time.

We do not need to call every meaningful experience therapy for it to matter. Equally, we do not need to deny the possibility of therapeutic benefit in order to preserve the value of ordinary experience.

A person may enter a forest seeking restoration, companionship, knowledge, solitude, or simply the opportunity to be outdoors. Some encounters may produce measurable improvements in particular health-related outcomes. Others may acquire lasting personal significance. Some may evoke discomfort, while others may remain unremarkable experiences of everyday life.

None of these possibilities requires us to assume that the experience becomes more legitimate merely because it has received a therapeutic designation.

Perhaps the more important question is therefore not whether nature must become therapy, but when therapeutic frameworks help us understand and responsibly support human experience—and when the freedom to experience nature without such frameworks should remain sufficient.

References

American Music Therapy Association. (n.d.). What is music therapy? https://www.musictherapy.org/about/musictherapy/

Conrad, P. (2007). The medicalization of society: On the transformation of human conditions into treatable disorders. Johns Hopkins University Press.

Gatersleben, B., & Andrews, M. (2013). When walking in nature is not restorative—The role of prospect and refuge. Health & Place, 20, 91–101. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.healthplace.2013.01.001

Gesler, W. M. (1992). Therapeutic landscapes: Medical issues in light of the new cultural geography. Social Science & Medicine, 34(7), 735–746. https://doi.org/10.1016/0277-9536(92)90360-3

Guziak, M. A. (2023). Scaffolded model of engagement for facilitating guided forest therapy sessions. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI120230518en5

Guziak, M. A. (2026a). Spending time in the forest: Modalities of engagement, connection, and care. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI3202602-EN-2

Guziak, M. A. (2026b). Why we need forest therapy guides. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI3202601en

Hartig, T., Mitchell, R., de Vries, S., & Frumkin, H. (2014). Nature and health. Annual Review of Public Health, 35, 207–228. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-publhealth-032013-182443

Kim, J.-G., & Shin, W.-S. (2021). Forest therapy alone or with a guide: Is there a difference between self-guided forest therapy and guided forest therapy programs? International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 18(13), Article 6957. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18136957

Lim, P. Y., Dillon, D., & Chew, P. K. H. (2020). A guide to nature immersion: Psychological and physiological benefits. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 17(16), Article 5989. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17165989

Moerman, D. E., & Jonas, W. B. (2002). Deconstructing the placebo effect and finding the meaning response. Annals of Internal Medicine, 136(6), 471–476. https://doi.org/10.7326/0003-4819-136-6-200203190-00011

NHS England. (n.d.). Green social prescribing. https://www.england.nhs.uk/personalisedcare/social-prescribing/green-social-prescribing/

Skivington, K., Matthews, L., Simpson, S. A., Craig, P., Baird, J., Blazeby, J. M., Boyd, K. A., Craig, N., French, D. P., McIntosh, E., Petticrew, M., Rycroft-Malone, J., White, M., & Moore, L. (2021). A new framework for developing and evaluating complex interventions: Update of Medical Research Council guidance. BMJ, 374, Article n2061. https://doi.org/10.1136/bmj.n2061

Section 17 · Conclusion

Keeping the discussion open.

When does nature become therapy? The answer cannot be found in terminology, professional guidance, or the structure of an intervention alone. Therapeutic experiences emerge through complex relationships among people, places, processes, and time.

Explore the six concluding perspectives

Conceptual synthesis

Four dimensions of a relational experience.

Rather than identifying a single therapeutic agent, the article proposes examining how the following dimensions interact.

01 / PERSON

Person

Personal history, bodily capacities, attention, expectations, emotions, and the development of meaning.

02 / PLACE

Place

Ecological characteristics, environmental conditions, perceived safety, and the qualities of a natural setting.

03 / PROCESS

Process

Sensory exploration, activities, professional facilitation, personal choice, and social interaction.

04 / TIME

Time

Continuity, repeated encounters, familiarity, and the development of enduring relationships with natural places.

Important: These dimensions are proposed as a conceptual framework for further inquiry, not an empirically validated causal model. No single component guarantees therapeutic improvement.
Horizontal dimension

Continuity of engagement

How nature contact develops across time through repetition, familiarity, and integration into everyday life.

Vertical dimension

Quality of engagement

How attention, sensory involvement, reflection, and subjective meaning shape a particular encounter.

Neither frequent engagement nor an emotionally powerful encounter necessarily produces a therapeutic outcome.

Interactive conclusion

Six perspectives for a developing field.

Select any section below to explore its central argument. More than one section can remain open at a time.

17.1 Reconsidering therapeutic experience From isolated causes to relational understanding

Therapeutic experience cannot be attributed exclusively to a forest, a professional guide, a prescribed activity, or an individual's intention. Environmental, physiological, psychological, social, and temporal influences may interact differently across people and circumstances. The proposed relational framework encourages investigation of these interactions without assuming that all components must be present or that their effects are additive.

Central argument: The therapeutic significance of an encounter should be investigated relationally, rather than assigned to one universally responsible factor.
17.2 Professional guidance and participant agency Guidance may support without determining

Forest therapy guides may contribute environmental knowledge, accessibility, safety planning, opportunities for reflection, and organised social engagement. These contributions can be valuable without demonstrating universal therapeutic superiority over independent nature contact. Ethical facilitation should preserve participant autonomy, recognise individual differences, and allow the level of structure to respond to participants' needs and preferences.

Central argument: Professional competence concerns what guides responsibly prepare, communicate, and facilitate, not control over participants' subjective experiences.
17.3 Commercialisation and professional legitimacy The value of a service and the freedom of access

Professional guiding can legitimately involve compensation for expertise, preparation, organisation, and responsibility. However, certification does not automatically establish clinical authority, and commercial provision does not confer exclusive ownership over the restorative possibilities of nature. The field should support professional services alongside community-based, public, and independent opportunities for nature engagement.

Central argument: The profession should demonstrate what guidance adds, rather than imply that meaningful nature contact requires professional mediation or financial exchange.
17.4 Ecological responsibility and experiential diversity Human well-being and care for living environments

Forests are living ecological systems, not merely therapeutic resources. Responsible practice requires minimising environmental disturbance, respecting local conditions, and maintaining ethical accountability regardless of participants' emotional responses. The principles of co-creation, co-responsibility, and co-being provide a pedagogical orientation that respects individual differences and shared experience without requiring identical perceptions or outcomes.

Central argument: Nature connectedness, emotional restoration, and ecological responsibility may be related, but one should not be assumed to guarantee another.
17.5 Research implications and future directions Investigating what works, for whom, and why

Future research should more clearly distinguish environmental exposure, structured activity, professional facilitation, group participation, and clinical intervention. Comparative and longitudinal studies could examine intervention components, participant autonomy, place attachment, and changes across time. Qualitative investigation should also address meaningful, uncomfortable, and ambivalent experiences, while research on accessibility, adverse responses, and ecological consequences remains essential.

Central argument: Research should investigate not only whether an intervention produces beneficial outcomes, but how, under which conditions, and for whom those outcomes emerge.
17.6 Beyond therapeutic classification Preserving the value of ordinary nature experience

A forest encounter may be enjoyable, restorative, meaningful, or simply ordinary without requiring a therapeutic interpretation. Scientific research and professional guidance remain valuable, but neither can fully determine the meaning of another person's experience. The expansion of forest therapy should therefore preserve room for freely chosen nature contact that is not organised around treatment, measurable improvement, or personal transformation.

Central argument: We do not need to call everything therapy for it to matter.

Conceptual clarity

Distinctions worth preserving.

Recognising relationships among different phenomena does not require treating them as interchangeable.

Distinction 01

Restorative experience ≠ clinical treatment

A beneficial or meaningful forest encounter does not necessarily constitute a clinical intervention.

Distinction 02

Professional competence ≠ proven superiority

Training and certification can establish defined competencies without demonstrating superior health outcomes.

Distinction 03

Nature connectedness ≠ ecological responsibility

Feeling connected with nature does not automatically translate into environmentally responsible actions.

Final reflection · Section 17

We do not need to call everything therapy for it to matter.

Perhaps nature does not need to become therapy in order to contribute to human well-being. Perhaps the more important task is to understand, with greater humility and precision, the many ways human beings encounter, experience, and live in relationship with the natural world.

When Does Nature Become Therapy? · The Mindful Tourist

17. Conclusion: Keeping the Discussion Open

17.1. Reconsidering the Therapeutic Experience: A Relational Understanding

The question of when nature becomes therapy cannot be resolved through terminology, professional designation, or the presence of a particular intervention structure alone. Neither the use of the term therapy nor the involvement of a professional guide is sufficient to establish that an encounter has produced therapeutic outcomes. Conversely, the absence of formal organisation, explicit therapeutic intention, or professional facilitation does not preclude experiences that are restorative, psychologically meaningful, or consequential for an individual’s well-being. Human engagement with natural environments encompasses a wide range of activities and experiential orientations, including contemplation, recreation, physical movement, sensory attention, social interaction, and the ordinary experience of being present in a particular place. Although these forms of engagement may overlap and influence one another, the available evidence does not justify arranging them within a universal hierarchy in which greater organisation necessarily corresponds to greater therapeutic effectiveness.

Research on Shinrin-Yoku, forest therapy, and nature-based interventions has contributed substantially to understanding the relationships between environmental exposure and human health. Investigations have reported favourable psychological and physiological responses associated with forest environments, while interdisciplinary approaches have identified multiple pathways through which natural settings may influence human functioning (Hartig et al., 2014). These developments have supported the recognition of nature contact within health promotion and encouraged the expansion of professional services, educational programmes, and organised nature-based interventions. Nevertheless, evidence that certain forms of forest exposure are associated with beneficial outcomes should not be interpreted as demonstrating that all forest encounters are therapeutic, that professionally guided experiences are universally superior to independent engagement, or that personally meaningful experiences necessarily constitute clinical treatment.

Throughout this article, the central argument has been that therapeutic experience cannot be adequately explained by attributing its emergence to one isolated component of a forest encounter. The environmental setting, the participant’s physiological and psychological characteristics, the quality of attention, the presence or absence of professional facilitation, social relationships, cultural interpretations, and the temporal continuity of engagement may each contribute to the character of an experience. However, these contributions are neither interchangeable nor necessarily equivalent in their effects. Their relevance may vary according to the individual, the circumstances of the encounter, and the outcomes under investigation.

The relational framework proposed in this article, organised around the interactions among person, place, process, and time, provides a conceptual basis for examining this complexity. The forest contributes environmental conditions and ecological characteristics that may influence physiological regulation, sensory perception, emotional responses, and opportunities for restoration. The participant brings personal history, bodily capacities, prior experiences, expectations, preferences, and the capacity to interpret and assign meaning to what occurs. Professional guidance may contribute preparation, environmental knowledge, accessibility, risk management, structured opportunities for engagement, and appropriate responses to participants’ needs. Social interactions may introduce additional dimensions of companionship, shared attention, emotional expression, or interpersonal support. Finally, temporal factors may influence whether an encounter remains an isolated event or contributes to an enduring relationship with a natural place.

Importantly, this framework does not propose that all these components must be present for an experience to become beneficial, nor does it assume that their effects are necessarily additive. Particular elements may facilitate, alter, or constrain others, and their interactions may differ between individuals and contexts. The framework should therefore be understood as an interpretive and research-oriented proposal rather than an established causal model.

This relational perspective also extends the conceptual distinction between the horizontal and vertical dimensions of nature engagement discussed in my earlier work (Guziak, 2026a). The horizontal dimension concerns the continuity of contact, repeated participation, familiarity with particular environments, and the integration of nature experiences into everyday life. The vertical dimension concerns the qualities of engagement that may occur within a particular encounter, including attention, sensory involvement, emotional awareness, reflection, and personal meaning. These dimensions provide different perspectives on human–nature relationships without establishing that one is inherently more valuable or therapeutically effective than the other.

A person may frequently visit a forest without experiencing every encounter as restorative, while another may find considerable personal significance in a single encounter without developing a regular nature practice. Equally, meaningful relationships with natural places may emerge through gardening, walking, observation, recreation, or ordinary activities that do not involve deliberate reflection. These possibilities suggest that therapeutic benefit cannot be inferred solely from the duration of exposure, the intensity of subjective experience, the complexity of an activity, or the involvement of a professional practitioner.

Accordingly, the proposed dimensions should not be interpreted as validated measures of therapeutic depth. Their scientific contribution will depend upon further conceptual clarification, appropriate operationalisation, and empirical investigation into their relationships with specific outcomes. Their immediate relevance lies in encouraging research that differentiates the continuity of nature contact from the qualities of engagement occurring within it, while recognising that neither dimension independently guarantees psychological or physiological improvement.

17.2. Professional Guidance, Participant Agency, and the Limits of Facilitation

One of the central questions considered throughout this article concerns the contribution of professional guidance to forest-based experiences. The development of Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy as organised professional practices has introduced structured methods, educational pathways, professional qualifications, and opportunities for facilitated engagement with natural environments. These developments may provide substantial practical value, particularly for participants who benefit from environmental orientation, accessible activities, organised social participation, or assistance in approaching unfamiliar forms of nature engagement. However, recognising these contributions requires distinguishing the professional provision of a service from evidence that the service produces superior therapeutic outcomes.

Comparative research has begun to address this distinction. Kim and Shin (2021) identified differences in the experiential characteristics and reported healing factors associated with guided and self-guided forest therapy, while Lim et al. (2020) found improvements in mood and nature connectedness following both guided and unguided nature immersion, without statistically significant between-condition differences in the measured changes. These studies provide useful indications that professional facilitation may influence aspects of an encounter without necessarily producing greater improvements across all assessed outcomes. Nevertheless, their specific research designs, limited samples, intervention characteristics, and outcome measures constrain broader generalisation. Such findings neither establish the universal superiority of guided experiences nor demonstrate that guidance lacks therapeutic or practical value.

A more productive scientific question may therefore concern the particular contributions of guidance, the circumstances under which those contributions are relevant, and the outcomes through which they can be evaluated. Professional facilitation may improve access to nature engagement, support participants in navigating unfamiliar environments, provide opportunities for learning, encourage sensory exploration, or create conditions for social interaction. These functions may be valuable independently of whether an intervention demonstrates additional reductions in perceived stress or improvements in physiological indicators. As discussed in my earlier examination of the professional role of forest therapy guides (Guziak, 2026b), the justification for guiding need not rest exclusively upon claims that professionally organised experiences are inherently more therapeutic than independent encounters.

The Mindful Tourist’s Scaffolded Model of Engagement (Guziak, 2023) offers one pedagogical approach to understanding this professional contribution. Within the model, facilitation is conceived as a responsive process in which structure and support can be adjusted according to participants’ capacities, needs, and developing engagement. Rather than maintaining a constant level of external direction, the approach recognises the potential value of progressively expanding participants’ freedom to explore, interpret, and participate in the experience on their own terms. This does not imply that reduced guidance is always preferable. Instead, it suggests that the degree of professional involvement should be considered in relation to the purpose of the encounter and the characteristics of those participating.

An important implication concerns the relationship between facilitation and participant autonomy. If an individual develops greater confidence in spending time in nature independently following a guided experience, this may represent a meaningful outcome of professional support, especially when the programme seeks to encourage sustained engagement with natural environments. However, such a possibility requires empirical investigation and should not be transformed into an expectation that all participants ought eventually to discontinue guided participation. Individuals may return to organised sessions because they value companionship, environmental learning, continuity, or the distinctive experience of being guided. Others may prefer solitary engagement or a combination of independent and facilitated activities.

These different preferences should not be arranged within a hierarchy of personal development or therapeutic achievement. Continued participation in guided sessions does not necessarily indicate dependence, just as independent nature engagement does not automatically indicate greater nature connectedness or psychological autonomy. The ethical priority is that participants retain meaningful agency, understand what professional guidance offers, and remain free to determine which forms of engagement correspond to their circumstances and preferences.

This understanding also places limits on professional authority. A guide may possess extensive knowledge of a forest, demonstrate competence in risk assessment, and provide carefully considered invitations, yet cannot fully determine how another individual will perceive or interpret the environment. A facilitated activity may encourage reflection without producing it, while an invitation intended to support relaxation may evoke unexpected memories, discomfort, or emotional responses. Similarly, the presence of a group may provide opportunities for companionship without necessarily generating belonging or meaningful interpersonal connection.

Professional competence should therefore be evaluated not through an assumed capacity to produce prescribed subjective experiences, but through preparation, appropriate communication, ethical judgement, responsiveness, accessibility, and the responsible management of foreseeable risks. The guide’s responsibility concerns the professional conditions they can reasonably assess, establish, and adapt rather than ownership of every experience or outcome emerging during an encounter.

The professional contribution of guiding is consequently best understood as facilitative rather than determinative: guidance may influence the conditions of an encounter, but it does not possess exclusive authority over the meaning or therapeutic significance of what unfolds.

17.3. Commercialisation, Professional Legitimacy, and Equitable Access

The increasing professionalisation and commercialisation of Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy require critical examination, particularly when therapeutic terminology becomes associated with certification systems, specialised methods, and marketable experiences. As discussed throughout this article, the historical development of Shinrin-Yoku in Japan and the subsequent international expansion of forest-based practices have contributed to differences in terminology, organisational structures, and professional identities. Although this article has occasionally distinguished Shinrin-Yoku, forest bathing, and forest therapy for historical and analytical purposes, these distinctions should not be mistaken for evidence that the terms necessarily denote fundamentally separate experiential or therapeutic mechanisms. The development of professional categories should be examined in relation to their historical, cultural, institutional, and commercial contexts rather than accepted as demonstrating inherent differences in therapeutic effectiveness.

Commercial provision is not, in itself, incompatible with ethical practice or professional legitimacy. Training, preparation, environmental assessment, appropriate insurance, accessibility planning, programme organisation, and ongoing professional development require expertise, labour, and financial resources. Compensation for these services is therefore legitimate, provided that the nature of the professional contribution is communicated accurately and that claims concerning qualifications and therapeutic outcomes remain proportionate to the available evidence.

Nevertheless, the legitimacy of charging for a professional service should not be confused with exclusive authority over the restorative possibilities of natural environments. A guide may offer expertise, facilitation, education, and professional support, but the existence of these services does not imply that independent encounters are incomplete or that meaningful experiences must be professionally mediated. Similarly, certification may demonstrate that an individual has fulfilled defined educational and competency requirements within a particular organisation, without necessarily establishing clinical authority or demonstrating that a certified method produces superior health outcomes.

These distinctions are particularly important where the language of therapy may create expectations of clinical competence, health improvement, or guaranteed psychological benefit. Professional and educational organisations therefore carry responsibilities to communicate the scope of their qualifications, the characteristics of their methods, and the limitations of the evidence supporting their claims. The terminology adopted by a professional field should clarify its activities rather than obscure differences between health promotion, supportive well-being practices, non-clinical facilitation, and regulated clinical treatment.

A further ethical consideration concerns equitable access. Opportunities to engage with natural environments are unevenly distributed and shaped by geographical location, physical mobility, environmental conditions, perceived safety, economic resources, cultural circumstances, and the availability of time. Professional services may reduce certain barriers by providing organised transportation, accessible activities, environmental information, or facilitated participation. However, they may simultaneously introduce financial or organisational requirements that limit access for particular populations.

The responsible development of the field should therefore support the coexistence of different pathways to nature engagement, including professional guiding, community-based programmes, public health initiatives, independent activities, and ordinary access to natural places. These approaches need not compete for exclusive recognition as legitimate forms of engagement. Their contributions can instead be examined in relation to the populations they serve, the barriers they address, the resources they require, and the outcomes they may support.

A related concern is the possibility that the professionalisation of forest-based experiences may unintentionally reinforce the perception that ordinary nature contact is insufficient without specialised instruction. Such an assumption would be difficult to reconcile with evidence that unguided engagement may also support aspects of psychological well-being and nature connectedness. More fundamentally, it risks transforming a widespread human possibility into an experience perceived as dependent upon financial exchange.

The professional value of forest therapy should therefore be demonstrated through what responsible guidance contributes, rather than through the implication that nature requires professional mediation before it can become meaningful or beneficial.

17.4. Ecological Responsibility, Experiential Diversity, and Ethical Practice

The ethical responsibilities associated with Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy extend beyond the well-being of human participants. Forests are living ecological systems whose organisms, relationships, and processes exist independently of contemporary therapeutic practices. Although natural environments may provide conditions associated with human restoration, their significance cannot be adequately understood only through their instrumental value for psychological or physiological outcomes.

Research concerning the relational values of nature provides an important perspective on this distinction. Chan et al. (2016) argue that relationships between human beings and natural environments may involve forms of value associated with identity, care, responsibility, and ways of living that extend beyond immediate individual benefits. From this perspective, ecological responsibility need not be justified exclusively through the capacity of nature to improve human health. Rather, environmental care can be understood as an ethical dimension of the relationship itself.

Within professional forest-based practice, such responsibility should be expressed through observable decisions and conduct. Appropriate site selection, minimisation of ecological disturbance, respect for local communities and environmental regulations, and consideration of the cumulative consequences of organised activities are relevant professional obligations. These responsibilities remain important regardless of whether participants report gratitude, emotional connection, or a heightened sense of ecological awareness during a session.

An individual may experience profound psychological restoration without subsequently engaging in environmentally responsible behaviour, just as another person may demonstrate sustained ecological care without identifying their relationship with nature as therapeutically significant. Nature connectedness, subjective emotional experience, and ecological responsibility should therefore be treated as related but conceptually distinct phenomena. Their relationships warrant further investigation rather than being assumed.

This ethical orientation is consistent with the principles of co-creation, co-responsibility, and co-being articulated within The Mindful Tourist and Shinrin-Yoku Association educational framework. Co-creation recognises that experiences emerge through interactions among participants, facilitators, and environmental conditions rather than through unilateral professional control. Co-responsibility acknowledges the different responsibilities and capacities of those involved, while maintaining the guide’s accountability for professional decisions, preparation, and safety. Co-being recognises the possibility of sharing an environment without requiring identical perceptions, interpretations, or emotional responses.

The related concept of co-experiencing further emphasises that participation in a common event does not imply uniform subjective experience. People may occupy the same forest, encounter similar environmental conditions, and participate in the same invitations while developing substantially different interpretations of what has occurred. These principles offer a pedagogical and ethical orientation, although they should not be presented as independently validated mechanisms of therapeutic change.

Recognising experiential diversity also requires acknowledging that natural environments are not universally restorative. The psychological and emotional significance of a forest may be shaped by personal memories, cultural associations, physical abilities, sensory sensitivities, environmental conditions, and perceptions of safety. An environment experienced as comforting by one individual may evoke apprehension, discomfort, or distress in another. Such differences should not automatically be attributed to insufficient guidance or interpreted as obstacles that professional techniques must overcome. They constitute important characteristics of the phenomenon being investigated.

Within this perspective, silence should not automatically be interpreted as disengagement, declining an invitation should not be understood as resistance, and the absence of emotional transformation should not be treated as unsuccessful participation. Likewise, the emergence of a powerful emotional response should not be regarded as sufficient evidence of clinically meaningful improvement. Personal significance and therapeutic effectiveness may intersect, but they are not synonymous.

These distinctions have implications for the evaluation of professional practice. An ethically delivered session may produce heterogeneous outcomes even when the programme has been carefully prepared and implemented. Professional responsibility involves recognising this uncertainty, responding appropriately to individual differences, and avoiding promises that exceed the guide’s reasonable capacity to influence outcomes.

The ethical maturity of the profession may therefore be reflected not in its ability to guarantee restoration, but in its capacity to accommodate experiential variation while maintaining professional accountability and ecological care.

17.5. Implications for Research and the Future Development of the Field

The arguments developed throughout this article indicate a need for greater conceptual and methodological differentiation within research on Shinrin-Yoku, forest therapy, and related nature-based interventions. Existing evidence provides grounds for continued investigation into the psychological and physiological consequences of forest exposure. However, determining whether an intervention is associated with favourable outcomes represents only one dimension of scientific inquiry. A fuller understanding requires examining which components contribute to those outcomes, how they interact, for whom they may be relevant, and under which environmental and social conditions their influence may vary.

Future research would benefit from more consistent distinctions among environmental exposure, independent nature engagement, organised well-being activities, professionally guided interventions, and clinically delivered nature-based treatments. Such differentiation need not imply that these categories are mutually exclusive. Rather, it would allow researchers to identify the characteristics of an intervention more precisely and avoid attributing observed outcomes to professional guidance when several components have changed simultaneously.

Comparative studies of guided and unguided experiences represent one important direction. However, comparisons should extend beyond the binary question of whether a guide is present. Research could investigate the degree of structure, the character of sensory or reflective activities, participant choice, opportunities for solitude or social interaction, environmental familiarity, and the nature of the facilitator’s involvement. Such approaches may clarify what professional guidance makes possible, what it changes, and whether particular forms of facilitation unintentionally constrain aspects of individual engagement.

Longitudinal research could examine how repeated nature contact contributes to familiarity, place attachment, independent participation, and changes in nature connectedness. This would be particularly relevant to the horizontal and vertical dimensions proposed in this article, which require investigation into their conceptual distinctiveness, temporal relationships, and potential associations with psychological and behavioural outcomes. Research should also consider whether participants’ preferences for structure, solitude, or group involvement change with experience, health status, or life circumstances.

Qualitative and phenomenological approaches may provide additional insight into how individuals interpret restorative, emotionally complex, or apparently ordinary encounters. Such methods could help illuminate dimensions of meaning that may not be adequately represented through standardised measures of mood, stress, or physiological response. This does not diminish the importance of quantitative investigation. Rather, it supports methodological pluralism appropriate to a phenomenon involving biological, psychological, interpersonal, environmental, and interpretive processes.

The updated Medical Research Council framework for developing and evaluating complex interventions offers a relevant methodological foundation because it emphasises the importance of context, programme theory, implementation, stakeholder perspectives, and the interactions among intervention components (Skivington et al., 2021). Applying such principles to forest-based interventions may support a transition from broadly evaluating whether programmes are beneficial toward more precise investigations of how particular outcomes emerge and how interventions operate in different settings.

Further attention should also be directed toward experiences that do not conform to expectations of restoration. Studies of adverse or uncomfortable responses, accessibility barriers, perceived social pressure, unsuccessful interventions, and unintended consequences are essential for developing a balanced evidence base. Research that reports limited, null, or heterogeneous effects should not be regarded as diminishing the field. Such findings may reveal important contextual differences, methodological limitations, or circumstances under which particular practices are less appropriate.

The interdisciplinary character of human–nature relationships also requires recognition. Environmental psychology, physiology, public health, ecology, sociology, tourism studies, ethics, and phenomenology approach the subject through different conceptual and methodological traditions. Each may illuminate dimensions that remain less visible within other approaches. The challenge is therefore not to establish one discipline as the exclusive authority on therapeutic experience, but to develop a coherent body of knowledge that preserves conceptual distinctions while allowing their relationships to be investigated.

The framework proposed in this article should accordingly be understood as an invitation to further inquiry rather than a completed explanation. Its value lies in identifying potentially important relationships among environmental conditions, individual experience, professional practice, social participation, and temporal continuity. Whether those relationships can be specified, measured, and used to improve the design or evaluation of interventions remains an empirical question.

Ultimately, the scientific development of the field may depend less upon defending fixed professional categories and more upon improving the precision with which different phenomena are described and investigated. Nature’s potential contribution to health should be distinguished from the intentions of an organised intervention; personal meaning from clinical improvement; professional competence from demonstrated intervention effectiveness; shared presence from meaningful social connection; and nature connectedness from observable environmental responsibility. Such distinctions do not deny the relationships among these phenomena. They provide the conceptual clarity necessary to examine those relationships responsibly.

17.6. Beyond Therapeutic Classification: Preserving the Value of Ordinary Nature Experience

The preceding discussion returns to the question from which this article began: When does nature become therapy? The analysis suggests that there may be no single answer applicable across all individuals, environments, professional settings, or intended outcomes. The term therapy may be appropriate when it describes a clearly defined health-related purpose, an identifiable intervention, or an activity delivered within an appropriate clinical or professional framework. However, it should not become the only interpretive category through which human encounters with nature are recognised or valued.

A forest experience may contribute to psychological restoration without constituting formal treatment. It may be deliberately organised to support well-being without becoming psychotherapy. It may acquire personal significance without producing a measurable change in a particular health indicator. Equally, nature contact may form part of clinical care when incorporated into a properly defined intervention delivered within an appropriate scope of professional practice. These possibilities can coexist without requiring every encounter to be assigned the same therapeutic status.

At the same time, there remains a philosophical dimension of human experience that cannot be resolved exclusively through scientific classification. Individuals frequently approach nature with intentions: to relax, recover from stress, engage in physical activity, experience companionship, or find temporary relief from the demands of everyday life. However, the significance of an encounter may develop in ways that differ from those intentions. Attention may become absorbed by an unexpected sound, an unfamiliar movement, a changing pattern of light, or a memory that emerges without deliberate effort. An individual may experience stillness, curiosity, sadness, gratitude, or uncertainty, while another may perceive nothing particularly noteworthy.

This openness to the unexpected has also emerged within my meditation and reflective writing practice, particularly through the question of what occurs when experience is approached with less emphasis on the outcomes it is expected to produce. Such an inquiry does not reject intentional practice, scientific investigation, or professional intervention. Individuals may choose to meditate, walk, write, or spend time in nature for entirely legitimate purposes. Nevertheless, the meaning of an experience may extend beyond those purposes, and its significance may not always be captured by the criteria initially used to evaluate it.

For professionals whose work involves deliberately organising encounters with natural environments, this distinction carries important implications. Preparation, knowledge, ethical judgement, accessibility, and appropriate facilitation can influence the conditions under which participation takes place. They may support attention, learning, reflection, social engagement, and opportunities for restoration. Yet they cannot fully determine what another person perceives, remembers, feels, or understands. Nor should the absence of an anticipated response automatically be interpreted as an unsuccessful encounter.

We can organise the encounter, but we cannot fully organise the experience.

Recognising this limitation does not diminish the professional contribution of Shinrin-Yoku or forest therapy guiding. Instead, it situates professional practice within a wider understanding of the human–nature relationship. The forest remains more than an intervention setting, the participant remains more than a recipient of professional services, and the guide remains accountable for their contribution without becoming the exclusive source of meaning or change.

Such recognition also encourages a more balanced understanding of the relationship between science, professional practice, and ordinary life. Scientific investigation remains essential for establishing whether particular forms of nature engagement contribute to identifiable health outcomes and for determining the conditions under which interventions are effective, appropriate, and safe. Professional standards remain important for supporting ethical facilitation, responsible communication, and environmental care. However, neither scientific measurement nor professional classification determines the entirety of what makes an encounter with nature valuable.

Forests existed before the development of contemporary therapeutic terminology, and their ecological processes continue independently of human interpretations of restoration. A tree does not become ecologically or intrinsically more significant because it is incorporated into a guided invitation, and a natural environment does not acquire its capacity to influence human experience through the establishment of a professional programme. Similarly, individuals do not need to participate in a designated therapeutic activity in order to develop meaningful relationships with natural places.

A person may enter a forest without seeking treatment, without intending to practise mindfulness, and without anticipating personal transformation. They may walk, observe their surroundings, experience the environment through their senses, and return to their ordinary activities. Their mood may have changed, physiological processes may have responded to environmental conditions, or the encounter may have acquired personal significance. Alternatively, no noticeable change may have occurred. None of these possibilities requires an imposed therapeutic interpretation.

Preserving room for such experiences is particularly important as the language of forest therapy becomes increasingly prominent within health promotion, tourism, education, and professional services. The expanding recognition of nature’s potential contributions to well-being should not inadvertently diminish the legitimacy of ordinary, independently chosen, and non-commercial encounters with natural environments. Nor should it generate expectations that every visit must produce restoration, insight, emotional transformation, or measurable improvement.

We do not need to call everything therapy for it to matter.

The central contribution of this article is therefore not the proposal of a universal definition of forest therapy, nor the identification of one therapeutic agent responsible for beneficial forest encounters. Rather, it is an argument for reconsidering therapeutic experience relationally, through the interactions among environmental conditions, human perception, attention, personal meaning, professional facilitation, social context, and time. This perspective seeks to preserve the legitimacy of scientific investigation and professional practice while resisting the reduction of human–nature relationships to predefined interventions and expected outcomes.

It also invites a shift in the questions through which the field develops. Rather than asking exclusively whether guided forest experiences are therapeutic, research and professional discourse should examine what particular forms of engagement contribute, whom they serve, what limitations they encounter, what possibilities they may unintentionally constrain, and what ethical responsibilities accompany their organisation. Such an approach acknowledges that professional guidance can have genuine value without assuming that it is universally necessary, and that nature contact may contribute to well-being without always requiring therapeutic intention or classification.

The question of when nature becomes therapy may consequently remain open, not because scientific investigation is incapable of producing meaningful answers, but because the question encompasses several phenomena that cannot be reduced to one definition or explanatory mechanism. Therapeutic intention, subjective restoration, measurable health improvement, clinical treatment, and personal significance are related possibilities, yet they are not interchangeable. Greater precision in distinguishing them may strengthen rather than weaken the field’s scientific and professional foundations.

A mature understanding of Shinrin-Yoku and forest therapy should therefore remain attentive to both the possibilities and the limits of intentional intervention. It should support rigorous research without expecting uniformly positive outcomes, promote professional competence without claiming exclusive authority over human–nature experiences, and encourage ecological responsibility without reducing forests to resources for human restoration.

Perhaps the most important implication is that the development of forest therapy need not depend upon demonstrating that every meaningful encounter is therapeutic. Its contribution may instead be found in clarifying when, how, for whom, and under what conditions particular forms of nature engagement support human well-being, while preserving the legitimacy of encounters whose value lies outside therapeutic classification.

Perhaps nature does not need to become therapy in order to contribute to human well-being. Perhaps the more important task is to understand, with greater humility and precision, the many ways human beings encounter, experience, and live in relationship with the natural world.

References

Chan, K. M. A., Balvanera, P., Benessaiah, K., Chapman, M., Díaz, S., Gómez-Baggethun, E., Gould, R., Hannahs, N., Jax, K., Klain, S., Luck, G. W., Martín-López, B., Muraca, B., Norton, B., Ott, K., Pascual, U., Satterfield, T., Tadaki, M., Taggart, J., & Turner, N. J. (2016). Why protect nature? Rethinking values and the environment. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 113(6), 1462–1465. https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1525002113

Guziak, M. A. (2023). Scaffolded model of engagement for facilitating guided forest therapy sessions. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI120230518en5

Guziak, M. A. (2026a). Spending time in the forest: Modalities of engagement, connection, and care. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI3202602-EN-2

Guziak, M. A. (2026b). Why we need forest therapy guides. Shinrin-Yoku Journal. https://doi.org/10.65410/syjI3202601en

Hartig, T., Mitchell, R., de Vries, S., & Frumkin, H. (2014). Nature and health. Annual Review of Public Health, 35, 207–228. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-publhealth-032013-182443

Kim, J.-G., & Shin, W.-S. (2021). Forest therapy alone or with a guide: Is there a difference between self-guided forest therapy and guided forest therapy programs? International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 18(13), Article 6957. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18136957

Lim, P. Y., Dillon, D., & Chew, P. K. H. (2020). A guide to nature immersion: Psychological and physiological benefits. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 17(16), Article 5989. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17165989

Skivington, K., Matthews, L., Simpson, S. A., Craig, P., Baird, J., Blazeby, J. M., Boyd, K. A., Craig, N., French, D. P., McIntosh, E., Petticrew, M., Rycroft-Malone, J., White, M., & Moore, L. (2021). A new framework for developing and evaluating complex interventions: Update of Medical Research Council guidance. BMJ, 374, Article n2061. https://doi.org/10.1136/bmj.n2061

From Shinrin-Yoku Journal

Ethical Standards Framework for Education and Shinrin Yoku Practitioners

info@shinrin-yoku-association.com

Subscribe Now

Subscribe

* indicates required

Since ©2022. Shinrin Yoku Association. All Rights Reserved.

Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Ut elit tellus, luctus nec ullamcorper mattis, pulvinar dapibus leo.